NONRATIONAL ANIMALS: Diogenes hoped to find one honest man!

WEDNESDAY, JUNE 14, 2023

We're looking for one forthright journalist: We're going to be rather brief today, for reasons we'll detail below.

That said, it's time for our (mainstream) journalists to drop their charade concerning one Donald J. Trump.

It's more and more clear, then more and more clear, that Trump is deeply disordered. It's more and more likely, then more and more likely, that he suffers from (technical term) "antisocial personality disorder."

That's the technical term within medical science for the closely related syndromes which may commonly be referred to as (nontechnical terms) sociopathy or psychopathy.

A citizen can google about and find many discussions of the syndrome now under review. For the Mayo Clinic, just click here. You'll find this overview:

Overview

Antisocial personality disorder, sometimes called sociopathy, is a mental health condition in which a person consistently shows no regard for right and wrong and ignores the rights and feelings of others. People with antisocial personality disorder tend to purposely make others angry or upset and manipulate or treat others harshly or with cruel indifference. They lack remorse or do not regret their behavior.

People with antisocial personality disorder often violate the law, becoming criminals. They may lie, behave violently or impulsively, and have problems with drug and alcohol use. They have difficulty consistently meeting responsibilities related to family, work or school.

With respect to the person in question, many accounts of this disorder say it may stem from a horrible upbringing, or from organic causes. At Wikipedia, the searcher will find this:

Antisocial personality disorder

Antisocial personality disorder (ASPD) is a personality disorder characterized by a limited capacity for empathy as well as a difficulty sustaining long-term relationships. A long-term pattern of disregard or violation of the rights of others and a contemptuous or vindictive attitude are often apparent, as well as a history of rule-breaking that can sometimes include law-breaking, manipulation, compulsive lying for amusement or personal gain, a tendency towards chronic boredom and substance abuse, and impulsive and aggressive behavior. Antisocial behaviors often have their onset before the age of 8, and in nearly 80% of ASPD cases, the subject will develop their first symptoms by age 11.

[...]

Causes

Personality disorders are usually caused by a combination and interaction of genetic and environmental influences. Genetically, it is the intrinsic temperamental tendencies as determined by their genetically influenced physiology, and environmentally, it is the social and cultural experiences of a person in childhood and adolescence encompassing their family dynamics, peer influences, and social values. People with an antisocial or alcoholic parent are considered to be at higher risk...The condition is more common in males than females and among incarcerated populations. 

According to the clinical psychologist Mary Trump, Donald Trump grew up with one parent who was an outright sociopath. He may also have been unlucky enough to have some genetic influences.

The time has come for one forthright journalist to discuss this apparent state of affairs. The psychiatrist Bandy X. Lee attempted to do so. She ended up with a best-selling book, but then lost her job at Yale.

The material to which we refer is part of 20th century medical science. Presumably, major mainstream journalists discuss this situation in private. The modern Diogenes will seek the one forthright journalist who will raise these blindingly obvious points right out in the public square.

Does Ruth Marcus believe in 20th century science? How about E. J. Dionne? 

Has Rachel heard such terms bandied around? Why hasn't she spoken up?

The conversations you're seeing today are deeply, profoundly nonrational. That's true of persons like Kevin McCarthy, but it's also true of endless gangs of "our favorite reporters and friends."

Donald J. Trump seems to be "mentally ill," but no one wants to lose his or her job. Is that why no one will say it?

"Th[is] is no country for old men?" It was Yeats who said it first, then Cormac McCarthy came along.

In his once-famous poem, Yeats found himself "fastened to a dying animal." All Americans are fastened today to a thoroughly nonrational discourse, fashioned by all manner of politicians and journalists who most prize their own jobs.

Any one of those people could speak. Almost surely, no one will. That includes the entire population of "our favorite reporters and friends."

They're selling you an engaging tale. We're looking for one forthright journalist.


Just this once, we're going to let you make us do it!

TUESDAY,  JUNE 13, 2023

The "Trump's bathroom door locks" joke: We had a somewhat dispiriting day in the ongoing realm of health care. Hence this very late post.

That said, we wanted to supply the missing punchline to the "Trump's bathroom door locks" joke.

We assume that others have already done it. But first, Steve Benen missed the chance, and then so did the Insider.

Kevin McCarthy had offered the dodge. Here's the waiting rejoinder:

Trump's Mar-a-Lago bathroom door can be locked? That means the Chinese agent can lock herself in as she takes her three thousand photos!

We assume the punchline is already out there. We wanted to be fully sure.

NONRATIONAL ANIMALS: The night they booed and hissed and jeered!

TUESDAY, JUNE 13, 2023

Years later, Trump arrived: Beavers have an impressive technology.

In fairness, ours is better. 

Concerning that first technology, here's the way the leading authority on such construction projects thumbnails the complex undertaking:

Beaver dam

A beaver dam or beaver impoundment is a dam built by beavers to create a pond which protects against predators such as coyotes, wolves and bears, and holds their food during winter. These structures modify the natural environment in such a way that the overall ecosystem builds upon the change, making beavers a keystone species and ecosystem engineers. They build prolifically at night, carrying mud and stones with their forepaws and timber between their teeth.

A minimum water level of 0.6 to 0.9 metres (2.0 to 3.0 ft) is required to keep the underwater entrance to beaver lodges from being blocked by ice during the winter. In lakes, rivers and large streams with deep enough water, beavers may not even need to build dams, and instead simply live in bank burrows and lodges. If the water is not deep enough to keep beavers safe from predators and their lodge entrances ice-free, beavers build dams.

Beavers start construction by diverting the stream to lessen the water's flow pressure. Branches and logs are then driven into the mud of the stream bed to form a base. Then sticks, bark (from deciduous trees), rocks, mud, grass, leaves, masses of plants, and anything else available are used to build the superstructure. Beavers can transport their own weight in material; they drag logs along mudslides and float them through canals to get them in place. Once the dam has flooded enough area to the proper depth to form a protective moat for the lodge (often covering many acres), beavers begin construction on the lodge.

Trees approaching a diameter of 90 centimetres (3.0 ft) may be used to construct a dam, although the average is 10 to 30 centimetres (3.9 to 11.8 in). The length depends on the diameter of the tree and the size of the beaver. There are recorded cases of beavers felling logs of as much 45 metres (148 ft) tall and 115 centimetres (45 in) in diameter. Logs of this size are not intended to be used as structural members of the dam; rather, the bark is used for food, and sometimes to get to upper branches. It takes a beaver about 20 minutes to cut down a 15-centimetre (5.9 in) wide aspen, by gnawing a groove around the trunk in an hourglass shape. A beaver's jaws are powerful enough to cut a 1.5-centimetre (0.59 in) sapling in one bite.

Maintenance work on the dam and lodges is often done in autumn.

"Maintenance work?" What's that?

As noted above, the lodge must be entered through an underwater entrance. But once the beaver has entered the structure, the living quarters sit above the water line, creating a dry living space!

Beaver, beaver, burning bright! What's going on in a beaver's mind as he or she works on this complex construction project?

Even at the highest ends of our discourse, we (meat-eating) humans have devoted remarkably little attention to such challenging questions. 

Is anything going through the mind of a beaver at all? By inference, it's sometimes said that Descartes said, or seemed to say, that the answer was no. 

Descartes was a doubter. But these construction projects are quite complex, and beavers complete such projects quite easily. What's going on in their heads?

In fairness, our human technology is much more advanced. There are no electric lights inside a beaver's lodge, nor do beavers ever emerge from their dry mid-water homes to launch rocket ships to the moon. 

Our technology is more advanced. That doesn't answer a basic question:

Do we humans command the intellectual skills which allow us to construct a "rational" national discourse, even in a very large, culturally diverse nation such as our own?

In theory, a rational discourse would help us escape predation from other humans—from outsiders who might wish to "break through and steal" the "treasures" we have laid up. The early passage from sacred Thoreau goes exactly like this:

But men [sic] labor under a mistake. The better part of the man is soon plowed into the soil for compost. By a seeming fate, commonly called necessity, they are employed, as it says in an old book, laying up treasures which moth and rust will corrupt and thieves break through and steal. It is a fool’s life, as they will find when they get to the end of it, if not before.

It's a fool's life, our near neighbor scathingly said. 

Still, we humans will seek to protect our treasures, just as beavers do. Do we command the intellectual skills which allow us to construct a "rational" discourse toward this particular end?

Within the past several decades, the answer has seemed to come back as a resounding no. By the late 1990s, The Crazy was increasingly in the saddle and riding Americankind—and much of this was coming from the high-end mainstream press corps, not from the right-wing machine:

MCGRORY (10/31/99): Vice President Albert Gore came to his fateful encounter with newly menacing challenger Bill Bradley carrying heavy baggage. He was wearing an outfit that added to his problems when he stepped onstage at Dartmouth College: a brown suit, a gunmetal blue shirt, a red tie—and black boots.

Was it part of his reinvention strategy? Perhaps it was meant to be a ground-leveling statement—"I am not a well-dressed man." It is hard to imagine that he thought to ingratiate himself with the nation's earliest primary voters by trying to look like someone seeking employment at a country music radio station. Maybe it was the first step in shedding his Prince Albert image.

Black boots! Even that!

That was the reaction of a thoroughly mainstream, Pulitzer-winning columnist at the Washington Post. It was her reaction to the first Gore-Bradley debate of the 2000 campaign, which was held at New Hampshire's Dartmouth College. 

Over the course of the next several weeks, three major journalists described what had happened inside the press room from which that strange column emerged. We quote from Chapter 4 of our suspended companion site, the award-winning How He Got There:

The following week, Howard Mortman, managing editor of the Hotline, described the scene inside the Dartmouth press room. “The media groaned, howled and laughed almost every time Al Gore said something,” Mortman said, during a panel discussion on the Hotline’s nightly cable program. What happened when Bradley spoke? he was asked. “Stone silence, really,” he said.

Mortman described astonishing conduct. But Eric Pooley had already described a similar scene, in his full-length report for Time about that first debate. “Whenever Gore came on too strong, the room erupted in a collective jeer, like a gang of 15-year-old Heathers cutting down some hapless nerd,” Pooley wrote, referring to "the 300 media types watching in the press room at Dartmouth." 

Oddly, Pooley showed no clear sign of thinking this conduct was inappropriate–except for the way he described his colleagues as “a gang of Heathers.” But in early December, a third reporter described this strange scene–and this reporter expressed his surprise, and his plain disapproval. Appearing on C-Span’s Washington Journal, Salon’s Jake Tapper responded to a viewer's question about–what else?–liberal bias:

I can tell you that the only media bias I have detected in terms of a group media bias was, at the first debate between Bill Bradley and Al Gore, there was hissing for Gore in the media room up at Dartmouth College. The reporters were hissing Gore, and that’s the only time I’ve ever heard the press room boo or hiss any candidate of any party at any event.

Tapper had never seen such conduct before. But then, “gathered in a pack they can be cruel and unfeeling,” as [conservative journalist] Fred Barnes had already said.

(For ourselves, we had received a phone call from just outside the Dartmouth press room that very night. When we picked up, a major (Republican) journalist described the astonishing conduct which had just occurred.)

Three journalists spoke about what had happened—but this booing, hissing and jeering was never actually discussed. What happened in the press room stayed in the press room, until people like Mary McGrory began to issue insulting columns about that one candidate's allegedly clownlike attire, or about the way he had scampered about on the stage like a feral animal, or about the appalling way he'd inquired about a sick child.

The mainstream press had descended to that point by The Autumn of 99! When Candidate Trump arrived on the scene in 2015, the discourse was soon awash in insulting, cartoonish nicknames aimed at other candidates, with an endless array of ludicrous factual claims to follow.

The discourse was now in the hands of us, the nonrational animals. That said, something very unusual took place on CNN last night. 

As we watched, it made us think, with great surprise, of Keats' reaction to Chapman's Homer. On this morning's Morning Joe, Al Sharpton described it thusly:

"I think Chris Christie was excellent last night."

Sharpton isn't going to vote for Christie, but he saw the same thing we did. He saw a reversion to a type of fully coherent discourse—a type of discourse which predated the era of the insultingly stupid cartoonish nicknames and the earlier era of the booing, hissing and jeering and the subsequent Attack on The Clothes.

Beavers go about their business, laying up their treasures. Nonrational animals that we secretly are, will we be able to bring ourselves back from the culturally and intellectually dead?

Beaver, beaver, burning bright! As you work to lay up your treasures, what's going on in your head?

Tomorrow: Good God! Amazingly clear exposition!


We speak in praise of Devlin Barrett!

MONDAY, JUNE 12, 2023

Front page of the Washington Post: We rise today to speak in praise of the Washington Post's Devlin Barrett.

More specifically, we refer to the analysis piece which tops the front page of this morning's print editions. The piece is a model of clarity and clarification. Headline included, Barrett's report starts like this:

Why Trump was charged on secret documents and Clinton, Pence were not

When Donald Trump was indicted last week on charges of willful retention of classified documents, many Republicans, including House Speaker Kevin McCarthy, cried foul, arguing that the Justice Department was treating the 45th president differently than it has Democrats who’ve been investigated over possible mishandling of national security secrets.

But the Trump indictment itself helps explain the difference between his case and other high-profile probes, like those of Hillary Clinton, President Biden and former vice president Mike Pence—not for what it charges, but for what it doesn’t.

Trump faces 31 counts of willful retention of national defense information, a crime delineated in the Espionage Act that carries a maximum prison sentence of 10 years. Each count represents a different highly sensitive document that Trump allegedly kept at Mar-a-Lago, his Florida residence and private club.

Twenty-one of those documents, including some involving nuclear secrets, were found by FBI agents who searched the estate in August—yielding a total of 102 classified documents, according to the indictment. The other 10 willful-retention charges stem from a batch of 38 classified documents turned over to the FBI last June in response to a grand jury subpoena.

The key point turns out to be this:

Trump hasn't been indicted for taking the classified documents. He's been charged for their "willful retention"—for deliberately refusing to give them back. 

It isn't the taking, it's the willful retention! Later, Barrett fleshes out this point:

“This is not a case about what documents were taken, it’s about what former president Trump did after the government sought to retrieve those documents,” said [former federal prosecutor Robert] Mintz, who noted that willful-retention cases often hinge on how much evidence prosecutors can find that a person deliberately hid material or refused to give it back.

The indictment offers anecdote after alleged anecdote charging that the former president sought to hide and keep some of the classified papers, so much so that Trump and Nauta are accused of conspiring to obstruct the investigation and scheming to conceal the truth not just from the government, but even from Trump’s own lawyer.

Barrett offers clarification from beginning to end. People who get their stories from red tribe media will rarely hear such points.

Along the way, Barrett uses this distinction to help explain why Trump has been charged with federal crimes, while Hillary Clinton and Mike Pence have not. Citizens who get their frameworks from Fox News will rarely be exposed to such points.

There's much more to say about the way the Hillary Clinton email "scandal" was handled—rather, was mishandled (ducked)—by major blue tribe figures in the summer of 2016. 

The Rachel Maddow Show was stunningly AWOL as the themes of this punishing "scandal" took hold. Incredibly, for the first two nights in July of that year, guest host Steve Kornacki actively adopted the James Comey version of what had happened in the matter of Clinton's emails!

Upon her return from her summer vacation, Maddow herself proceeded to duck the topic all through that fateful summer. Today, red tribe forces continue to feed off the incompetence / laziness / cowardice of our blue tribe stars that year.

Getting back to today's major point:

Trump hasn't been charged for taking the documents. He's been charged for willfully refusing to give them back.

This morning, the distinction was spelled out in impressive detail for blue tribe news consumers. In our flailing nation's heavily segregated news environment, red tribe citizens haven't heard that distinction explained, and most of them never will.


STARTING TOMORROW: Unrational animals!

MONDAY, JUNE 12, 2023

Wilhoit's Law in the modern world: The formulation known as Wilhoit's Law was promulgated in 2018, in a comment to a Crooked Timber blog post.

It wasn't promulgated by the American political scientist Francis M. "Frank" Wilhoit, who died in 2010.

In fact, the formulation was promulgated by a different, unrelated Frank Wilhoit—by the Frank Wilhoit who was a 59-year-old Ohio composer at that point in time.

The formulation has moved from the realm of blog comments into a realm of its own—even though, as this essay at Slate explained last year, it's routinely attributed to the wrong Frank Wilhoit.

Thanks to the so-called democratization of media, our modern discourse is often driven by such examples of human error. At any rate the formulation known as Wilhoit's Law goes exactly like this:

Wilhoit's Law

Conservatism consists of exactly one proposition, to wit: There must be ingroups whom the law protects but does not bind, alongside outgroups whom the law binds but does not protect.

It's a definition of what is now routinely described as tribalism. It says there is only one basic idea behind "conservatism"—the idea that the law must protect our conservative tribe while binding and restraining all others.

Just a guess:

This promulgation describes a very basic human impulse, one which leads back in time to the age of unfettered monarchs. Essentially, the basic human takes this form:

Our tribe will unite behind the greatness of our monarch. We will try to "bind"—we will try to subjugate—all other human tribes, described herein as the outgroups.

Does Wilhoit's Law describe the mindset of Trump-era conservative politics? Sadly, we'd say that it largely does, at least as applied to tribal leaders,

We'd quickly add that it also seems to describe the impulse behind much of modern-day liberalism, in which our tribunes only speak to assemblies of "our favorite reporters and friends." In the venues to which we now repair, no other ideas need apply!

Our red and blue tribes have split far apart. We'd say that Wilhoit's Law captures the ancient, hard-wired tribal impulse which defines much of the history of our war-inclined human race.

You can't run a modern nation in the face of such an aggressive tribal separation! It isn't clear that there's a way to "win" a dispute between two such aggressively segregated ingroups.

Wilhoit's Law comes into play today because of another comment to a blog post by the composer Frank Wilhoit. Wilhoit offered his comment in response to a Sunday post by Kevin Drum, who we've often described as our favorite blogger.

Drum had sone some superlative work down through the ages. The new post to which Wilhoit commented is not, in our view, an example of such work. 

In his post, Drum was asking why Donald J. Trump does the weird things he endlessly does. Drum ended with this formulation, making the analysts tear their hair and cry:

DRUM (6/11/23): My wife says she knows the answer: Trump is a wackadoodle and he just does weird, unexplainable stuff. Maybe that's all it is.

We scrolled through 58 comments to that post in search of an intelligent rejoinder. Finally, near the very end of the pile, Ohio's Frank Wilhoit said this:

WILHOIT (6/11/23): Mental illness is the last taboo. We can still use dismissive, reductive words like "whackadoodle", "batshit", etc. The problem with these words is not that they are offensive—the presumption is that their targets are too severely compromised to even take offense—but that, by putting mental illness in a box, and a cute, little box at that, they foreclose any real effort to understand the problem. The problem is quite a large one, arguably the largest that we face, but general understanding of it is essentially nil.

We're not going to solve that one here today, so call Trump a "whackadoodle" all you like—but don't allow the connotation that he is an outlier, because he is not. Half the country thinks like him, and possibly much more than half. Try to think of remedies; build, along the way, a case for medicalizing it, or even build a case for criminalizing it—but don't minimize it, don't brush it off.

We don't believe that "half the country thinks like [Trump]." We aren't even inclined to believe that Trump's atavistic impulses should be regarded or described as a form of "thinking."

We do agree with Wilhoit's general view concerning the role of "mental illness" / mental health / (severe) personality disorder. To wit:

According to modern psychiatry, something like 6 percent of adult men can be diagnosed as (so-called) "sociopaths." It's astounding to us that Drum still prefers to use terms like "wackadoodle" in place of the (admittedly challenging) terms which were and are a basic part of 20th and 21st century medical science.

We had to go very deep into comments to find a commenter pushing back against Drum's formulation. That's especially odd in face of modern tribal history, in which blue tribe commenters were already eager to apply psychiatric analyses to the behavior of President George W. Bush.

Today, we seem to have a genuine "sociopath" out on the hustings, and yet we still play around in the manner of Kevin's blog post. It's also true that we saw Trump speaking this weekend at one of his campaign events, and even as he offered delusional accounts of what he will miraculously accomplish if he gets in the White House again. it occurred to us—for the first time, very strongly—that he really could get elected again next year.

The woods are lovely, dark and deep, but we humans are not "the rational animal." Our technological skills can't be denied, but we're deeply atavistic tribal beings in other realms of inquiry and assessment.

In our view, Wilhoit's Law applies to modern liberalism too. We'd rewrite the law the following way in search of our own tribe's current impulses:

Wilhoit's Law, extended:

Liberalism consists of exactly one proposition, to wit: There must be ingroups whom the law protects, alongside outgroups who liberal ingroups will aggressively name-call.

We humans aren't especially sharp, even here within our own tribe. That post by Kevin is one example—and then, Dear God! Those comments!

Tomorrow: Donald Trump goes for the win


What a freshman once did in a dining hall!

SATURDAY, JUNE 10, 2023

A nation in great distress: As predicted on Wednesday, here we are, once again, at our accustomed post.

More on our recent circumstance will appear below. For now, we offer this:

Our nation is in a state of great distress following this week's indictments. It's the culmination of a cultural schism which has been underway for a very long time.

We listened to phone calls from C-Span viewers on this morning's Washington Journal. It was a painful lesson concerning the challenge of keeping a "nation" together.

(To punish yourselves, just click here.)

As was the case in those phone calls, discussion of this week's indictments is going to reek of The Crazy. 

For our own blue tribe, we get to enjoy the chuckling and laughing which suffused yesterday's discussions among the corporate millionaires our own cable network has chosen as our tribal tribunes. 

At Fox, it gets even worse.

The discussion already reeks of The Crazy. As an overview, we'll offer two points:

First, you can't sensibly discuss the behavior of Donald J. Trump without involving basic questions of mental illness / mental health / severe personality disorder. As a people, we're a million miles from having the ability to conduct some such discussion.

Simply put, we aren't up to that task. This means that we can have no serious discussion of Donald J. Trump's ongoing behaviors.

Second, a large major nation can't expect to survive "half blue and half red." More specifically, a large major nation can't expect to survive with giant corporate "news organizations" filtering all discussion through those opposing partisan lenses.

Yesterday, we saw sheer insanity being peddled on the Fox News Channel. Also, we saw a gang of unfaithful servants having the time of their lives on MSNBC.

Listening to Washington Journal, we heard comments by many people who have no ability to distinguish between 1) something they've been told by someone they're inclined to believe and 2) something which is known to be true.

We the people have always suffered under that lack of capacity. In the modern context, we see no one trying to come to terms with that disabling state of affairs,

How have we come to be two separate nations, one red and one blue? More precisely, what drives the loathing of us blues among so many reds?

We think back to something we saw when we were a Harvard freshman:

In those days (1965-66 school year), we Harvard men were still required to wear a jacket and tie when we dined in university dining halls. 

Within a year or two, that rule was gone. Still, that rule remained in place during that freshman year.

The rule was still in effect! One day, we saw a freshman behave in the following manner as he checked in for lunch at the freshman dining hall:

A working-class Cambridge woman sat behind a metal desk, checking us in as we entered. She had apparently told this young man that he was in violation of the well-known dress code.

We agreed with her assessment. For his "tie," our fellow freshman had a shoestring loosely tied around his neck. The shoestring he was calling a tie adorning a scruffy t-shirt. 

His "jacket" was some sort of windbreaker. The Cambridge woman had told this young man that he wasn't wearing a jacket and tie as the terms were understood within the prevailing dress code. 

The Cambridge woman had told this young man that he wasn't wearing a jacket and tie. "How do you know that this isn't a tie," our fellow freshman kept asking her, as everyone else waited in line behind him.

We were appalled by his insolence, and by his class condescension. Our own "well-educated" blue tribe has broadcast such attitudes and such values to red tribe adherents right up to the present day.

The cultural schism which has gone red and blue has been part of American culture from the start. Needless to say, this unfortunate type of cultural condescension has always been part of the broader human experience.

That said, we blues tend to have little ability to see the way we behave toward Others, or to understand the ways we often appear. Listening to C-Span callers this morning, we thought of the obnoxious behavior we saw in the freshman dining hall that day.

Also, we thought about the conversation which likely took place in that working-class woman's home that very night.

As a general matter, we blues don't understand why we're widely loathed and disbelieved. Our tribunes, who went to the finest schools, were chuckling, laughing and enjoying themselves on MSNBC last night.

(Rachel went to Stanford; Nicolle went to Berkely. Lawrence and Joy went to Harvard, Alex to Brown. It continues along from there.)

Life can still be very good if you're paid the millions of dollars dished to such cable news stars. Elsewhere, someone probably knows what we need, but our cable stars seem to know what we want.

This is a very dangerous time. There's no way to win a war of the type which is now underway.

We'll postpone news about where we've been to another day. For now, we'll only say this:

When we emerged from general anesthesia on Wednesday, feeling fit as a fiddle, we were surprised to find ourselves thinking about Mississippi's good, decent public school kids. Our own tribe's cable tribunes will never mention those good and decent, and deserving, low-income kids:

Our tribunes don't care about those kids. They may not realize that they don't care, but they plainly don't.

Our tribunes don't care about kids like that. There is exactly zero sign that they ever will.


We'll be away for the next few days!

WEDNESDAY, JUNE 7, 2023

In search of the raucous board meeting: We may not post for the rest of the week. It will be Friday at the earliest before we post again!

In our absence, we'll leave you with a warning from Thomas Edsall. But also, with a chance to stage an eight-hour hunt in The Case of the (Allegedly) Raucous School Board Meeting.

First, the warning from Edsall:

The warning appeared on May 31, in Edsall's weekly guest essay for the New York Times. In a nutshell, Edsall's warning dealt with the impulse to tribal otherization and its subsequent misconceptions. 

Headline included, the essay started as shown:l

The Politics of Delusion Have Taken Hold

There are very real—and substantial—policy differences separating the Democratic and Republican Parties. At the same time, what scholars variously describe as misperception and even delusion is driving up the intensity of contemporary partisan hostility.

According to scholars, a type of misperception, perhaps even reaching the state of delusion, is driving partisan hostility. As he continued, Edsall started to flesh out that clain:

Matthew Levendusky, a political scientist at the University of Pennsylvania, described some of these distorted views in his recently published book, “Our Common Bonds: Using What Americans Share to Help Bridge the Partisan Divide:”

Seventy-five percent of Democrats said Republicans were closed-minded, and 55 percent of Republicans said that Democrats were immoral (Pew Research Center, 2019). Nearly eight in 10 say that the two parties “fundamentally disagree” about core American values. More than 70 percent of all voters think those in the other party are “a clear and present danger to the American way of life.”

Where's "the politics of delusion?" you might ask at this point.  In fact, some people "in the other party" really are a potential threat to the American way of life. It isn't crazy, and it isn't delusional, to say that some such people actually do exist.

As Edsall continues, he quotes an array of scholars offering variants of his claim. These scholars describe some of the ways in which partisan feeling leads blue and red tribe members alike to misperceive their degree of difference with the other tribe—with the perceived tribal enemy. 

Indeed, as Edsall continues from the passage above, he instantly offers this: 

At an extreme level, James L. Martherus, Andres G. Martinez, Paul K. Piff and Alexander G. Theodoridis wrote in the July 2019 article “Party Animals? Extreme Partisan Polarization and Dehumanization,” “a substantial proportion of partisans are willing to directly say that they view members of the opposing party as less evolved than supporters of their own party.”

How about it, friend? Are members of the other party "less evolved?" than members of yours? 

On the one hand, everything is possible—and the statement by those scholars is imprecise in various ways. On the other hand, it's hard for a major nation to function when members of its two major parties view each other that way.

Edsall quotes a gaggle of scholars describing this otherization. As a general matter, our question for today will be this: 

Does our own, largely infallible blue tribe ever "otherize" the reds? Do we ever succumb to the temptation to see red tribe members as fundamentally Other—as subhuman all the way down?

To some extent, we may sometimes be so inclined! Consider this Washington Post opinion piece about a recent school board meeting in Hernando County, Florida.

Hernando County has been involved in an ongoing dispute about so-called "book bans" in its public schools. On June 1, an Opinion piece by Sargent and Waldman started off like this:

In a deep red Florida county, a student-teacher revolt shames the right

By now, it’s obvious that the reactionary culture warriors who want to reshape American education are inspiring a serious liberal counter-mobilization in response. Remarkably, this backlash to the backlash is gaining momentum in some of the reddest parts of the country.

A raucous school board meeting in Hernando County, Fla., on Tuesday night captured what’s striking about this new phenomenon. The scene featured teachers pointedly declaring that right-wing attacks are driving them to quit, even as parents and students forcefully stood up on their behalf, demanding a halt to the hysteria.

“I have never seen such fear from my colleagues as I have seen in the last two months,” social studies teacher Victoria Hunt told the board.

The whole affair really put the culture-war-mongers to shame. Not that they’ll see it that way; as the meeting also showed, scenes like this—with maximum rage, fear, tension and suspicion surging between parents and educators — are precisely the outcome they want.

The writers describe a "raucous" school board meeting attended by reactionary culture warriors. 

Right-wing attacks by the culture-war-mongers had created hysteria in the county. It was obvious at the raucous meeting that maximum rage and fear were precisely the outcome the warmongers want!

Were Sargent and Waldman overstating? Were the others really that bad?

Meanwhile, just how raucous was that raucous school board meeting? According to Sargent and Waldman, the raucous school board meeting was as raucous as this:

At the meeting, right-wing parents and a minority of the school board amplified the usual attacks: Pornography in classrooms, indoctrination, wokeness. Watching them, it was impossible to avoid the sense that they were relishing every second of the tumult they’ve unleashed.

Right-wing parents were relishing the tumult they had unleashed. It was impossible to avoid that sense if you watched them at the meeting.

Reading that passage, that question came to mind: 

Just how raucous was it? How raucous was the raucous school board meeting? We decided to click the link the writers provided and make an attempt to find out.

In fact, the writers had linked to a videotape of the entire meeting—and the raucous school board meeting had lasted more than eight hours! 

The videotape to which they linked was a full eight hours long! But as we clicked around the eight hours of tape, watching bits and pieces of the meeting, we saw no sign that the raucous school board meeting had been raucous at all.

Based upon that videotape, you could practically hear a pin drop in the room as citizens with differing views made statements to the board. Attendees had even agreed to refrain from applauding or cheering. Instead, they waved their hands in the air to signal agreement with whatever was being said.

As such, we leave you today with an eight-hour assignment. Your assignment, if you choose to take it, will of course be this:

See if you can find someone being raucous at the raucous school board meeting! We clicked around, then clicked and clicked, and we weren't able to find the rage.

Sargent and Waldman were trashing the warmongers hard. In the process, were they possibly creating the Other? 

Can a very large nation function this way? Is this sort of thing actually good for the soul?

For the record, this isn't about which side you're on regarding the question of "book bans." This is about the claim that a bunch of Others, true to their warmonger nature, had staged an extremely raucous school board meeting, one marked by maximum rage.

As we clicked and clicked through eight hours of tape, it's always possible that we missed the raucous parts of the meeting! Your assignment, should you accept it:

See if you can find them.


Mississippi's (lower income) Hispanic kids!

TUESDAY, JUNE 6, 2023

In Grade 4 reading and math: Just this once, we're going to let you ask us about Mississippi's Hispanic kids.

More specifically, we'll show you the average scores achieved by those kids on last year's Grade 4 reading and math tests—on the Naep, of course!

Like their black and white classmates, they outscored their counterparts from around the nation, in this case by rather wide margins. The average scores look like this:

Grade 4 reading, Naep 2022
Lower income Hispanic students
U.S. public schools: 198.70
Mississippi: 210.58
Grade 4 math, Naep 2022
Lower income Hispanic students
U.S. public schools: 219.02
Mississippi: 237.32

They outscored their peers by substantial margins. That said, those same nagging questions remain:

To what extent did Mississippi gain a (misleading) statistical advantage from its third grade retention policy?

To what extent does that higher performance still exist by the time the Naep tests the nation's kids again, at the end of the eighth grade?

As we continue our search, we'll try to help you answer those questions. We're trying to stay away from Storyline. We're trying to stick to the search.

For all Naep data, start here.


INSTANT ASSESSMENTS: Kristof and Ravitch penned instant assessments!

TUESDAY, JUNE 6, 2023

At this site, the search goes on: The search in which we're now engaged began in the distant past.

More precisely, it began on May 17, 2023. It began in the wake of the publication of a lengthy AP report.

We'll be suspending our search for the next few days, during which time we'll be off campus. At this point, it might be a good idea to summarize the current state of the search, in the course of which we've been confronted with a pair of instant assessments.

The search began on May 17, 2023. On that historic date, the Associated Press published an upbeat report under this upbeat headline:

‘Mississippi miracle’: Kids’ reading scores have soared in Deep South states

Test scores have soared in three Gulf Coast states, the AP's Sharon Lurye reported. 

The performance has been strongest in Mississippi, Lurye accurately said. Indeed, "the country has taken notice of what some have called the Mississippi miracle," the AP's reporter said.

Through fifty years of long, hard experience, we've learned to be extremely skeptical concerning claims of this type. For the reason, we set out on our latest search, scrutinizing the relevant data to see how impressive Mississippi's Naep scores might actually turn out to be.

We're still engaged in that search! Along the way, though, a highly unusual event occurred:

A member of the upper-end, mainstream press corps displayed an actual interest in this important matter.

Through fifty years of long, hard experience, we've learned a basic fact. No one cares about public school kids, especially low-income public school kids.

Also, no one cares about public school kids who are said to be black. No one cares about their academic achievements. No one care about their interests, or about their daily happiness—their sense of progress and pride—within their public schools.

It has long been clear that our own blue tribe, as a general matter, has no interest in such matters, or in such underclass kids. 

To his credit, and unsurprisingly, it was Nicholas Kristof who broke the mold. On June 1, he published a lengthy essay in the New York Times under another upbeat headline:

Mississippi Is Offering Lessons for America on Education

Kristof had gone to Mississippi to see this thing for himself. He saw second-graders who could read the word "vegetable." Also, he largely seemed to believe the various things he'd been told:

KRISTOF (6/1/23): I had heard Mississippi cited for its progress, but frankly, I was skeptical until I visited. On my second day in Jackson, where 98 percent of public school students are people of color, mostly from low-income families, I visited a second-grade classroom.

The class was reading a book, “The Vegetables We Eat.” The children read aloud and debated what vegetables were. Things that are green? Foods that don’t taste good? I was startled to see second graders read words like “vegetables” and “eggplant” fluently and still more astonished to see the entire class easily read the sentence “Where does nourishing food come from?”

"Thank God for Mississippi," Kristof wrote right at the end of his essay. 

For ourselves, we've often thanked God for Kristof's values, but we haven't always been impressed by his analytical skill in the realm of public education. 

In the first three paragraphs of this June 1 essay, he made some apparent mistakes—and so our search continued. But even as we continued our search, progressive education writer Diane Ravitch landed on Kristof like a ton of sunbaked bricks made from Mississippi mud:

Nicholas Kristof Does Not Know How to Fix Education

Ravitch landed on Kristof like a ton of sunbaked bricks. 

As she started, she said that Kristof "is terrific on many issues but consistently wrong when he writes about education." (We can't say that's flatly wrong.) She raised some valid objections to Kristof's assessments, but she made astonishing errors of her own as she pursued her attack.

So it tends to go, in this red and blue nation, on the rare occasion when the interests of low-income public school kids briefly swim into view. Let's get clear on how this works:

It has been three weeks since that upbeat AP report first appeared. Except for a clownishly bungled ninety second pseudo-discussion on the next day's Morning Joe, we've heard nothing about it on our own blue tribe's "cable news" TV programs:

Except for the occasional person like Kristof, our blue tribe's tribunes quit on black kids decades ago. We quit on black kids when it became clear that erasing our nation's educational "achievement gaps," the product of our brutal history, wouldn't be an easy task.

When we liberals learned that fact, we stopped discussing the problem. Simply put, our blue tribe doesn't care about any of this, and it never has. 

(Few things could be more clear.)

Our blatant lack of interest in low-income kids helps explain why we haven't seen that AP report discussed—not by Rachel, not by Lawrence, certainly not by Nicolle and her favorite friends.

Those people don't care about any of this! Either that, or to the extent that they do care, their corporate owners aren't willing to let them bore us with analyses of this tedious topic.

At any rate, no one is going to talk about this, except an outlier like Kristof. At that point, along comes a partisan warrior like Ravitch, and she suffuses the discussion with gigantic errors as she blasts out her points.

(In comments, Ravitch is praised by blue tribe true believers for her ideological takedown of Kristof. These commenters have no way of knowing about the errors she has made, or about her highly selective presentation of material.)

The woods are lovely, dark and deep, but we're still just a bunch of people! In all honesty, we don't care a whole lot about "underclass" kids—and to the extent that we do care, our analytical skills are woeful.

The Naep presents an amazing array of statistical information derived from its testing program. You'll see a major journalist jump to the moon before you'll see a major journalists sift through that wealth of information—including the wealth of information about Mississippi's good, decent black and white kids.

For today, we'll leave you with some basic data—some data which may be misleading. We'll show you how certain groups of Mississippi fourth graders performed on the Naep's most recent reading and math tests.

(Those most recent tests were administered last year, not in 2019. Reading the essays to which we've linked, it isn't clear that Ravitch or Kristof is aware of that fact.)

How did Mississippi's kids perform on last year's tests? After performing a few obvious statistical adjustments, here are some basic results:

Grade 4 reading, Naep 2022
Lower income black students
U.S. public schools: 193.42
Mississippi: 202.76
Grade 4 reading, Naep 2022
Lower income white students
U.S. public schools: 211.49
Mississippi: 224.45
Grade 4 math, Naep 2022
Lower income black students
U.S. public schools: 212.16
Mississippi: 218.80
Grade 4 math, Naep 2022
Lower income white students
U.S. public schools: 232.07
Mississippi: 241.74

"Lower income" refers to kids who are eligible for the federal lunch program. Further statistical adjustment is possible, but for today, let's leave it right there. 

(For all Naep data, start here.)

For starters, it must be said; those data do not constitute a "miracle." On the other hand, Mississippi's lower income fourth graders did in fact outperform their counterparts across the nation, in both reading and math, on last year's Naep. 

On the surface, they outperformed their counterparts by rather decent amounts. (By a very rough but conventional rule of thumb, ten points on the Naep scale is often said to represent roughly one academic year.)

Those data suggest that something good is happening in Mississippi. But could those data be misleading? A few things must be said:

For starters, you can see that Mississippi, like the nation as a whole, hasn't erased the wide achievement gaps which obtain between white and black public school kids. To appearances, our blue tribe finds those gaps embarrassing, and so they go undiscussed.

Aside from that, the following questions remain—appropriate questions raised by Ravitch in her vastly flawed takedown of Kristof:

To what extent do Mississippi's Grade 4 scores result from its Grade 3 retention policy, in which nine percent of the state's kids get an extra year of graded instruction before they take those tests? 

That retention policy may or may not be a good idea. Either way, it seems to create an unlevel playing field when we compare Mississippi's Grade 4 scores to those of other states.

Ravitch raised that basic question. Also, she asked this:

To what extent do these score gains persist into later school years? More specifically, how well do Mississippi's eighth graders perform when compared to their counterparts? 

Ravitch raised this perfectly valid question, then offered two absurdly misleading sets of data as she pretended to answer. When we resume our search after a hiatus of several days, we'll show you what Mississippi's Grade 8 Naep scores looked like last year.

The woods are lovely, dark and deep, but our big stars don't care about this. 

Borrowing from Yeats, silence invades the suburbs when topics like this pop up. In the few cases where major figures do seem to care, they will typically offer instant assessments larded with technical errors, including errors by omission.

This is the way the national discourse works in this most delusional of all worlds. We'll post on a different topic tomorrow. After an absence of a day or two, we'll then continue our search.

All in all, we just thought that you should see what an actual search might look like. Searches virtually never occur within the discourse created by our high-end, Storyline-driven press, but also by our experts.

Tomorrow: A "raucous" school board meeting


A wide range of scores on those Naep reading tests!

MONDAY, JUNE 5, 2023

For those who are playing at home: For those who are playing at home, we'll offer some basic information concerning the wide range of scores fourth graders achieve on the National Assessment of Educational Progress (Naep).

(For today's main report, click here.)

Despite an impression which is often conveyed, fourth graders are not all alike! Here are a set of "percentile" scores from last year's Naep reading test:

U.S. public schools
Grade 4 reading, Naep 2022
90th percentile: 264.92
75th percentile: 245.23
50th percentile: 220.14
25th percentile: 189.89
10th percentile: 160.47

By way of a quick explainer, here's what those numbers mean:

Ten percent of last year's fourth graders scored at or above 264.92—the 90th percentile score. At the other end of a long, dusty road, ten percent of last year's fourth graders scored at or below 160.47.

A gigantic "achievement gap" is suggested by the difference between those two scores. Having said that, a giant achievement gap is also suggested by the difference between the 25th and 75th percentile scores.

We often think that the nation's fourth graders are pretty much all alike. This impression is often conveyed by low-information journalists and public officials, who may (for example) suggest that six weeks of summer school will inevitably bring Failing Students X, Y and Z right up to "grade level" for the coming year.

Fourth graders are not all alike. On their face, the gaps don't seem to be quite as wide in Grade 4 math:

U.S. public schools
Grade 4 math, Naep 2022
90th percentile: 276.89
75th percentile: 258.22
50th percentile: 236.49
25th percentile: 212.66
10th percentile: 190.16

Those gaps don't seem to be quite as wide. Judged by normal rules of thumb, those gaps are still enormous.

Now this:

If a state makes ten percent of its third graders repeat third grade, that lowest scoring ten percent of kids are eliminated from the state's overall average Grade 4 score in the following year. They enter the testing pool the year after that with five years of graded instruction under their belts (Grades 1, 2, 3, 3 again and 4) instead of the usual four.

A statistical advantage is thereby gained. Also, it starts becoming hard to make valid state-to-state comparisons.

For the record, the Naep makes mountains of such data available to the American public. These data are extremely instructive, but of one thing you can feel certain: 

Journalists never consult them. Instead, they churn Storyline.

The scores in Mississippi: Why not? Here's one corresponding set of scores from Mississippi last year:

Mississippi public schools
Grade 4 reading, Naep 2022
90th percentile: 260.60
75th percentile: 243.10
50th percentile: 221.33
25th percentile: 193.84
10th percentile: 166.98

Overall, Mississippi outperformed the nation on this test, by a single point. That's before statistical adjustment for low income and other demographic factors.

(Average scores, Grade 4 reading: U.S. public schools, 216.11; Mississippi, 217.16.)

Warning!  Nine percent of the fourth graders who took that test in Mississippi had the presumptive advantage of that additional year of instruction. 

To what extent did that skew statewide scores? We know of no sound way to tell.


INSTANT ASSESSMENTS: Ravitch blasted Kristof's claims!

MONDAY, JUNE 5, 2023

Her work was astoundingly bad: All last week, we outlined some of the background to our latest search. 

(Note: We'll be AWOL for several days later this week. For that reason, we're covering a lot of ground in this morning's report.)

As you may recall, the current search concerns a set of claims by Nicholas Kristof—a set of claims which followed, and echoed, this May 17 analysis piece by the Associated Press.

We love Kristof's values, but how good was his analytical work? The headline on his essay in the New York Times went exactly like this:

Mississippi Is Offering Lessons for America on Education

"Thank God for Mississippi," Kristof said, at the end of his lengthy June 1 essay. The following excerpts give the flavor of what he said he said he had seen in the public schools of that state:

KRISTOF (6/1/23): [I]t’s extraordinary to travel across this state today and find something dazzling: It is lifting education outcomes and soaring in the national rankings. With an all-out effort over the past decade to get all children to read by the end of third grade and by extensive reliance on research and metrics, Mississippi has shown that it is possible to raise standards even in a state ranked dead last in the country in child poverty and hunger and second highest in teen births.

In the National Assessment of Educational Progress, a series of nationwide tests better known as NAEP, Mississippi has moved from near the bottom to the middle for most of the exams—and near the top when adjusted for demographics. Among just children in poverty, Mississippi fourth graders now are tied for best performers in the nation in NAEP reading tests and rank second in math.

[...]

Mississippi has achieved its gains despite ranking 46th in spending per pupil in grades K-12. Its low price tag is one reason Mississippi’s strategy might be replicable in other states...

“This is something I’m proud of,” said Erica Jones, a second-grade teacher who is the president of the Mississippi affiliate of the National Education Association, the teachers’ union. “We definitely have something to teach the rest of the country.”

Readers, how about it? Does Mississippi "definitely have something to teach the rest of the country?"

After reading the original AP report, we initiated a search of an answer to that question. At this point, three weeks later, we remain unsure of the answer.

Back to Kristof's essay:

"Thank God for Mississippi," Kristof said at the end of his lengthy piece. How had this low-income state achieved such success? Kristof said it was largely due to three policies:

He said it was due to the teaching of phonics. He said it was due to early intervention with kids who are struggling. 

He also said the success was due to a third-grade retention policy, in which kids have to repeat the third grade if they can't pass an end-of-year reading test.

We have learned, through long experience, to question claims of surprising test score gains. For that reason, we set out on a search.

So did education writer Diane Ravitch—and she drew an instant conclusion. After a search of roughly one day, Ravitch's headline said this:

Nicholas Kristof Does Not Know How to Fix Education

So went Ravitch's instant assessment. In our view, her work was astoundingly poor and her instant assessment was worthless.

Dear reader, don't get us wrong! As she conducted her overnight search, Ravitch gave voice to several points of concern we'd be inclined to share.

As she started, Ravitch said that Kristof "is terrific on many issues but consistently wrong when he writes about education." As we noted last week, we've had the same impression in the past.

As we noted, it has seemed to us that he's too inclined to accept the pronouncements of the educational experts—for example, of those who said that "nothing was working" even as Naep scores kept rising for all demographic groups over an extended period of time.

We tend to agree with Ravitch's assessment of Kristof's past work.  Beyond that, Ravitch quickly challenged the third-grade retention policy. 

As with Ravitch, so too here. This is an issue which jumped out as us in Kristof's essay, and in the earlier report by the AP. 

Concerning the retention policy, here's the start of what Ravitch said:

RAVITCH (6/2/23): The 2013 legislation [in Mississippi] also enacted third-grade retention. Any child who didn’t pass the third-grade reading test was retained. Most researchers think retention is a terrible, humiliating policy. But Kristof assures readers that failing students get a second chance to pass. 9% of students in third grade flunked. He considers this policy to be a great success, inspiring third graders to try harder, citing a study funded by Jeb Bush’s foundation (Florida also practices third grade retention, which lifts its fourth grade reading scores on NAEP).

[...]

It seems fairly obvious that the big gains in NAEP in fourth grade were fueled by the policy of holding back third graders. Jeb Bush boasted of the “Florida Miracle,” which was based on the same strategy: juice up fourth grade scores by holding back the lowest performing third graders.

Long story short! Ravitch was saying that those Grade 4 score gains have been caused by the retention policy in a way which is artificial. Briefly, let's consider why Ravitch would say that:

One thing seems fairly obvious. A state which makes a lot of third graders repeat third grade will almost surely show an improved average score on the next year's Grade 4 tests.

In Mississippi's case, here's how would work. Like Ravitch, we'll use the nine percent retention figure which Kristof cites in his piece.

As the Grade 3 retention policy went into effect, the lowest-performing nine percent of Mississippi's third graders didn't move on to fourth grade, as they otherwise would have. In this way, they were eliminated from participation in the next year's Grade 4 reading test. 

Presumably, this gave a rocket boost to the average score on that Grade 4 reading test. Here's why:

All those kids who had to repeat third grade were good, decent kids. That said, the lowest scorers in any grade group exert a large downward pull on a state's average score. 

How large might that downward pull be? Consider these two data points from last year's Naep:

U.S. public schools
Grade 4 reading, 2022 Naep
Average score nationwide: 216.11 
10th percentile score: 160.47

Nationwide, the average score was 216.11—but good grief! According to official Naep data, the lowest performing ten percent of Grade 4 test takers scored 160.47 or lower—and many scored quite a bit lower than that! 

Stating the obvious, last year's nationwide average score would have been much higher if that lowest performing ten percent had been eliminated from the exercise. Presumably, Mississippi benefitted from a large score boost on Grade 4 tests in the year its Grade 3 retention policy went into effect.

Key point! Presumably, the benefit would have been smaller in subsequent years. Here's why:

In the second year of this policy's operation, the kids who had to repeat third grade in Year 1 would now be in the fourth grade, after spending two years in third grade. It's likely that they would have remained among the lower scoring fourth graders—but after two years in third grade, plus the subsequent year in fourth grade, their scores would presumably have been better than they would have been the year before.

(We'll show you Naep data to that effect when we convene tomorrow.)

However you slice it, the basic point seems obvious. A state which retains a lot of third graders likely has a statistical advantage on the Grade 4 Naep when compared to other states which don't retain lots of kids. 

This doesn't tell us whether the retention policy is a good or a bad idea. This does mean that it's hard to make a valid statistical comparison between the different states with different retention policies.

In our view, Ravitch should probably have spent a bit more time on this particular point. Instead, she focused on a second criticism of Kristof's analysis. That critique went like this:

The so-called "Main Naep" tests reading and math in Grades 4, 8 and 12. Echoing a statement by Kristof himself, Ravitch says that Mississippi's Grade 8 gains haven't kept pace with its Grade 4 gains—score gain which (in her view) were basically phony anyway.

Ravitch hammers Kristof very hard on this point. Based on an overnight search, she offered these (bizarre) assertions about Mississippi's performance in Grade 8 reading and in Grade 8 math:

RAVITCH: Eighth grade reading scores in Mississippi have gone up over the past two decades, but scores went up everywhere. In the latest national assessment (NAEP), 37 states had scores higher than those of Mississippi on the NAEP eighth grade reading test. Only one state (New Mexico) was lower. The other 13 were tied. In Mississippi, 25% of the state’s students in 2019 (pre-pandemic) were at or above proficient, compared to 20% in 2003. Nationally, in 2019, 29% of students were at or above proficient*.

In 2019, 42 states and jurisdictions outperformed Mississippi in percentage of students at or above proficient in eighth grade math, eight were tied, and only two scored below Mississippi. 24% were at or above proficient in 2019, a big increase over 2009 when it was 15%. But Mississippi still lags the national average, because scores were rising in other states.

Has Mississippi made progress in the past decade? Yes. Is it a model for the nation? No. When impressive fourth grade scores are followed by not-so-impressive scores in eighth grade, it suggests that the fourth grade scores were anti Oakley boosted by holding back the 9% who were the least successful readers. A neat trick but not an upfront way to measure progress.

Bizarrely, Ravitch seems to think that the most recent Naep tests were conducted in 2019. 

She offers data from that year's Naep testing only. In the first of those two paragraphs, she even offers this link to an overview of Mississippi's performance on the Naep—to an overview of Mississippi's performance on the Naep in 2019!

She then proceeds to hammer Kristof on the basis of Mississippi's allegedly poor performance at the Grade 8 level in 2019. Bizarrely though, she offers only "aggregate" data, failing to make the statistical "adjustments for demographics" which let us perform a valid assessment of Mississippi's performance as compared to more affluent states.

Ravitch remains influential, especially in blue tribe circles. The link to her attack on Kristof was sent to us by a long-time local education activist, a person of justified high standing.

That said, Ravitch's account of Mississippi's Grade 8 performance is astoundingly incompetent. So it goes, again and again, when a person conducts a search of the high-end American discourse concerning the public schools.

Tomorrow, we'll show you how Mississippi's eighth graders actually performed on the most recent Naep—on the Naep which was conducted last year, in the spring of 2022.

Partisan furies to the side, we're forced to tell you this:

After making the obvious statistical adjustments, Mississippi's eighth graders outpaced almost all other states on the 2022 Naep. After making the obvious statistical adjustments, the state's eighth graders performed above the national average in almost all demographic categories, often by substantial margins.

Some of that may still reflect a misleading statistical advantage derived from that third-grade retention policy. But Ravitch—who doesn't even seem to know when the latest Naep testing occurred—failed to make the obvious statistical adjustments as she hammered a series of partisan points against Kristof.

The woods are lovely, dark and deep. But many searches, over many years, have convinced us of a surprising fact:

This is the way the discourse tends to work in this badly floundering, vastly self-impressed nation, especially when people pretend to talk about the public schools and the good, decent people within them.

Tomorrow: Mississippi's eighth grade scores


BREAKING: It happens (pretty much) every spring!

SATURDAY, JUNE 3, 2023

Who got into Stuyvesant High? At the New York Times, it happens (almost) every spring.

It isn't on the front page this year. At this early stage in the game, the topic is being downplayed as opposed to some preceding years.

Still, they do it (virtually) every spring! On page A12, headline included, Troy Closson's news report this morning begins as shown:

Stuyvesant High School Admitted 762 New Students. Only 7 Are Black.

About 10 percent of offers to New York City’s most elite public high schools went to Black and Latino students this year, education officials announced on Thursday, in a school system where they make up more than two-thirds of the student population overall.

The numbers—which have remained stubbornly low for years—placed a fresh spotlight on racial and ethnic disparities in the nation’s largest school system.

At Stuyvesant High School in Manhattan, the most selective of the city’s so-called specialized schools, seven of the 762 offers made went to Black students, down from 11 last year and eight in 2021. Twenty Latino students were offered spots at Stuyvesant, as were 489 Asian students and 158 white students. The rest went to multiracial students and students whose race was unknown.

The report continues from there. In print editions, the headline says this:

Elite Schools In New York Show Gaps In Diversity

Without any question, that headline is accurate. That said, where's the rest of this (very important) cultural story?

A report of this type appears in the Times (almost) every year. This year, only seven black kids got admitted to Stuyvesant High, the jewel of the city's school system.

Troy Closson is a young reporter (Northwestern, class of 2020) with no particular background in education reporting. What we're going to say is not—is not—a commentary on him.

What we'll say is a commentary on the values of the New York Times. It's a commentary on the way the Times discusses—or more accurately, chooses to avoid discussing—the background to this situation.

There's an obvious background to this situation which the Times routinely disappears. That background can be spotted in these average scores from last year's Grade 8 Naep math test:

Average scores, New York City
Grade 8 math, Naep 2022
White kids: 296.01
Black kids: 247.11
Hispanic kids: 254.43
Asian ancestry kids: 303.38

For the record, the Naep plays no role—zero; none—in the admission process to Gotham's high-powered "specialized high schools."

That said, those numbers suggest the existence of gigantic achievement gaps among the groups in question. And no, it isn't just New York City. The national figures looked like this:

Average scores, U.S. public schools
Grade 8 math, Naep 2022
White kids: 283.30
Black kids: 252.08
Hispanic kids: 260.81
Asian ancestry kids: 303.90

Nationwide, the white/black achievement gap was substantially smaller. That said, it was still enormous, and Asian kids were lapping the field as compared to everyone else, as they always do.

We mention these figures because the New York Times won't. Presumably, the lofty people at the Times find such numbers embarrassing, awkward, undesirable. 

Presumably for that reason, they present their annual report without offering any particular information about the background to the situation at high-powered Stuyvesant High. Often, they do so while brandishing the crowd-pleasing term "segregation" in typical crowd-pleasing ways.

For the record, the vast majority of Gotham kids won't go to Stuyvesant High. In fact, the vast majority of Gotham kids won't go to any of the city's high-powered "specialized high schools."

Those high schools serve the city's highest-achieving students. Most kids, from whatever demographic, don't belong to that group.

Those Naep figures display the gigantic achievement gaps which exist among the vast majority of kids in New York City—among the kids who won't be going to Stuyvesant High, then possibly on to Yale. In its education reporting, the Times shows amazingly little interest in the needs, the interests or the happiness of that vast number of kids.

Instead, the paper prefers to puff and preen about the one percent.

We've postponed the report we had planned for today to bring you this information. In closing, we'll tell you this about those gigantic achievement gaps—about the gaps you'll never be asked to read about in the New York Times:

No one cares about those punishing gaps, and no one ever has! The high-minded people at the Times won't even report their existence.

It's been like this for a very long time. For decades now, there has been little sign that our own blue tribe actually cares about this.

Almost every year: Oddly, we can't find a news report in the Times on this evergreen topic from the spring of last year.

By long tradition, this high-minded news report has been an annual event. By tradition, the newspaper laments the terrible numbers from Stuyvesant High while omitting all background information.

It's virtue signaling at its most obvious. It happens (almost) every year:

April 4, 2021, page A18:

Only 8 Black Students Are Admitted to Stuyvesant High School

March 19, 2020. page A26:

This Year, Only 10 Black Students Got Into N.Y.C.’s Top High School

March 18, 2019. page A1:

Only 7 Black Students Got Into Stuyvesant, N.Y.’s Most Selective High School, Out of 895 Spots

March 7, 2018, page A25:

Elite Schools Make Few Offers to Black and Latino Students

When it comes to this important topic, the New York Times spills with virtue, is bereft of information or ideas.

This is who and what we actually are. As we've noted again and again, it's been this way forever.


BREAKING: Joe, Mika, Willie, Nicolle and her friends!

FRIDAY, JUNE 2, 2023

It's time for these flyweights to go: If there were such a thing as horrible people, they would be horrible people.

We don't believe in the concept of horrible people. If we did, that's who they'd be. 

At this site, we prefer to regard them as people people. Still and all, it's long past time for these corporate flyweights to go. 

It's time for these horrible flyweights to go. In a brief day away from the search, we'll examine that topic tomorrow.


THE SEARCH: With Storyline, journalists repeat what they've been told!

FRIDAY, JUNE 2, 2023

Instead, we'd suggest a search: In this morning's column about the debt limit, Paul Krugman recalls a certain demographic group—a group which experienced its heyday earlier in this century.

Krugman is discussing the debt limit deal. Along the way, he says this:

KRUGMAN (6/2/23): Democrats are no longer intimidated by deficit scolds. Back in 2011, the Obama administration seemed eager to win approval from a Beltway establishment dominated by Very Serious People who insisted that debt and deficits—as opposed to, say, persistent high unemployment—were the most crucial issue facing the nation. President Barack Obama came very close to agreeing to a bargain that would have raised the age of Medicare eligibility.

Ah yes! The VSPs—the Very Serious People! Way back when, Krugman dropped that moniker on this group. We ourselves remember them well. 

Krugman focuses on this group's devotion to certain budget ideas. Let it be said that the VSPs were also united on matters of educational policy at that same point in time.

At that particular point in time, Naep scores had been rising by large amounts for all major demographic groups. 

After "disaggregation" of Naep scores, black kids' scores had gone up and up, especially in math, then had gone up some more. But disaggregation is boring, confusing and hard, and the VSPs stood in line to declare that "nothing had worked."

This led the VSPs to endorse a certain type of education reform. This was true all through the mainstream press—and we can site no education expert who ever stood up to report, to the nation and to the world, about those rising test scores.

(To his credit, Richard Rothstein came close.)

Earlier, dating back to the 1970s, the VSPs had failed to bark concerning another matter. Even after Dr. John Cannell issued his reports on "The Lake Wobegon Effect," the experts and their echoes in the press failed to come to terms with the way standardized test scores were being invalidated by widespread outright cheating.

Here's the Oxford Reference site on The Lake Wobegon Effect:

"The term was introduced by the US physician John Jacob Cannell in privately published reports in 1987 and 1988, commenting on the fact that all 50 US states reported elementary school results above the national average. 

Alluding to Lake Wobegon, "a place where all the women are strong, all the men are good-looking, and all the children are above average" in a radio show entitled A Prairie Home Companion, created and hosted by the US writer Garrison Keillor.

According to Dr. Cannell, every state was reporting that its kids were scoring above the national average on standardized tests!  It reminded him of the mythical Lake Wobegon, where the children were all above average.

We ourselves had advised Dr. Cannell after his first report appeared. We even dined together, in D.C., on at least one occasion. In part as a result, the second booklet he published on this matter carried this unpleasant title:

How Public Educators Cheat on Standardized Achievement Tests

Was Cannell allowed to say that?

The comical nature of Dr. Cannell's "Lake Wobegon" hook led to a wave of high-profile, but transitory, coverage in the mainstream press. The VSPs and the education experts tended to maintain their silence. Decades later, it fell to much-maligned USA Today, and to the Atlanta Journal Constitution, to blow the whistle on this outrageous type of conduct. 

Here too, the VSPs and the education experts had failed to bark! We offer this as background to our current search, in which we're asking if everything is really as it seems with the state of Mississippi's widely ballyhooed rising Naep scores.

At this point, it might make sense to define the elusive term "search." According to the leading authority on the topic, the protagonist of Walker Percy's debut novel was explicitly engaged in a "search:"

The Moviegoer tells the story of Jack "Binx" Bolling, a young stock-broker in postwar New Orleans. The decline of tradition in the Southern United States, the problems of his family and his traumatic experiences in the Korean War have left him alienated from his own life. He daydreams constantly, has trouble engaging in lasting relationships, and finds more meaning and immediacy in cinema and literature than in his own routine life.

The loose plot of the novel follows the Moviegoer himself, Binx Bolling, in desperate need of spiritual redemption. At Mardi Gras, he breaks out of his caged everyday life and launches himself on a journey, a quest, in a "search" for God. Without any mental compass or sense of direction, he wanders the streets of New Orleans' French Quarter, and Chicago, and then travels the Gulf Coast, interacting with his surroundings as he goes. He has philosophical moments, reflecting on the people and things he encounters on the road. He is constantly challenged to define himself in relation to friends, family, sweethearts, and career despite his urge to remain vague and open to possibility.

"What is the nature of the search?" you ask. Really it is very simple; at least for a fellow like me. So simple that it is easily overlooked. The search is what anyone would undertake if he were not sunk in the everydayness of his own life.

In italics, that's a quote from Bolling himself, as he narrates the book.

You're right! In his constant daydreaming—in his lack of a mental compass or a sense of direction—Bolling sounds like a forerunner to the modern cable news star! 

That much is perfectly obvious. But in that italicized passage, Bolling defines "the search:"

The search is what anyone would undertake if he were not sunk in the everydayness of his own life.

In our view, that's a bit vague. We'll go with this alternate definition:

The search is what a person may undertake after renouncing devotion to establishment Storyline. 

True story! We believe we were assigned to read The Moviegoer as part of a seminar we took at MIT in our senior year in college. (First semester: Husserl and Heidegger. Second semester: Kierkegaard, the morbid Dane.)

The instructor was Terry Malick, the future renowned film director, who was then 26 years old. Backfill:

Malick, a very good person, was a friend of a friend at that time. Along with that mutual friend, then joined by our girlfriend of the time, we dined with him at a Mass Avenue diner before each Thursday night class.

We were told, a few years ago, that the whole bunch of us, plus the future Governor Weld, had weekended on Nantucket at one point in time. We don't remember that sojourn at all, but our then-girlfriend claims a visceral memory of the blueberry pancakes.

We thought she was crazy when she said that Weld had been along for the ride. With great skill, we googled "Malick AND Weld," learning that the two had been fast friends dating back to their undergraduate years.

True story! In the second semester of the MIT course, our girlfriend wrote a paper on The Moviegoer which Malick judged to be so spectacular that he immediately shipped it off to Walker Percy himself! If memory serves, Percy quickly wrote back, seconding Malick's emotion.

Even then, the movers and shakers played the game this way! This was just one of the many indignities with which we were forced to deal as graduation—and an intermittent search—loomed upon the horizon.

Binx Bolling conducted a search—a search we've always found a bit tedious. After a few years teaching fifth grade in the Baltimore City Schools, we ourselves tumbled into an intermittent lifelong search.

Long before we dined with Dr. Cannell, we had learned about overt cheating on standardized tests in one Baltimore grade school. The search got its start right there, then continued through subsequent chapters. 

(We first learned of the possibility of "erasure parties" right around 1981, thanks to a major executive at one major standardized test.)

What must a person do when he's conducting a search? Returning to Nicholas Kristof's trip to the South, here's what he mustn't do:

A person who is conducting a search can't believe everything he's told, even by well-intentioned parties.  He can't assume that what he's shown in a second grade classroom is exactly the way it seems, although it certainly could be.

If a person wants to conduct a search, he must set out on his own! He must conduct an exploration, one which eschews the Storyline preferred by VSPs.

As we mentioned yesterday, we love Kristof's values. When it comes to journalistic performance, we think, at times, that he's too inclined to roll with the VSPs.

So it went in yesterday's essay, in which he repeated the things he's been told about Mississippi's public schools, where (some) Naep scores have been rising.

Why have Naep scores soared in Mississippi in Grade 4 (if not in Grade 8?) Uh-oh! As with the May 17 Associated Press report, Kristof says that this procedure is one of the basic secrets of the state's apparent success:

KRISTOF (6/1/23): Perhaps the most important single element of the 2013 legislative package was a test informally called the third-grade gate: Any child who does not pass a reading test at the end of third grade is held back and has to redo the year.

This was controversial. Would this mean holding back a disproportionate share of Black and brown children from low-income families, leaving them demoralized and stigmatized? What about children with learning disabilities?

In fact, the third-grade gate lit a fire under Mississippi. It injected accountability: Principals, teachers, parents and children themselves were galvanized to ensure that kids actually learned to read. Each child’s progress in reading is carefully monitored, and those who lag—as early as kindergarten and ramping up in second and third grades—are given additional tutoring.

Interesting! If kids can't pass that reading test, they have to repeat third grade! (For the AP's account of this policy, click here.)

 If kids can't pass that reading test, they have to repeat third grade! That may or may not be a good idea. A bit later, Kristof offers more information:

KRISTOF: In the town of Leland in the Mississippi Delta, one of the poorest parts of America, parents and family members come early on the day of the big [end of Grade 3] exam and line a hallway at the elementary school, cheering madly as the kids walk through to take the test—like champion football players taking the field. And when I visited, 35 new bicycles were on display in the school gym, donated by the community to be awarded by lottery to those who passed.

Those who did not pass would get a second chance at the end of the school year. Children who fail this second try are urged to enroll in summer school as a last desperate effort to raise reading levels. Those who fail a third time are held back—about 9 percent of third graders...

Free bikes to the side, Kristof says that nine (9) percent of Mississippi's third graders have to repeat third grade.

On balance, that could be a good idea. Opinions on that sort of policy have long differed.

That said, could that policy possibly have the effect of (artificially) inflating Mississippi's Grade 4 Naep scores? Could it create a situation where Mississippi has a statistical advantage over other states—over states which don't hold third graders back?

To our ear, Kristof was churning Storyline. We'd already restarted the search.

Starting Monday: Let's take a look at the data


"Thank God for Mississippi," they said!

THURSDAY, JUNE 1, 2023

At long last, two bullies were squelched: As we noted this morning, Nicholas Kristof starts today's long and important essay with an old regional saw.

Two weeks ago, the AP report about Mississippi's schools started the same darn way. Kristof's rendering of the old saw goes exactly like this:

KRISTOF (6/1/23): The refrain across much of the Deep South for decades was “Thank God for Mississippi!” That’s because however abysmally Arkansas or Alabama might perform in national comparisons, they could still bet that they wouldn’t be the worst in America. That spot was often reserved for Mississippi.

So it’s extraordinary to travel across this state today and find something dazzling: It is lifting education outcomes and soaring in the national rankings. ...Mississippi has shown that it is possible to raise standards even in a state ranked dead last in the country in child poverty and hunger and second highest in teen births.

"Thank God for Mississippi," Alabama and Arkansas would derisively say. Just out of curiosity, we decided to take a look to see just when all that bullroar ended.

When it comes to average scores in Grade 4 reading, Alabama and Arkansas had a good long run at their neighbor's expense. Here are the three states' average scores back in 2002:

Average scores, Grade 4 reading
Naep, 2002
Alabama: 206.88
Arkansas: 212.88
Mississippi: 202.79 
U.S. public schools: 216.80

All three states trailed the national average, but Mississippi brought up the rear.

Among the three states Kristof named, this pecking order held form right through 2013. By then, the Magnolia State had actually lost a bit of ground when compared to those neighboring states:

Average scores, Grade 4 reading
Naep, 2013
Alabama: 218.58
Arkansas: 218.52
Mississippi: 208.52 
U.S. public schools: 220.67

Mississippi had gained almost six points—but Alabama had gained almost twelve. Mississippi was still the 80-pound weakling on the Gulf Coast getting sand kicked in its face.

Please understand! The scores we're showing you are aggregate scores. They haven't been statistically adjusted to account for issues of poverty, ethnicity, race.

Still, who pays attention to any of that! "Thank God for Mississippi!" remained a regional cry, at least in the realm of unadjusted Grade 4 reading scores.

The laughter ended there. By 2015, Mississippi trailed Alabama by only three points, Arkansas by only four.  By 2017, the numbers looked like this:

Average scores, Grade 4 reading
Naep, 2017
Alabama: 216.42
Arkansas: 216.11
Mississippi: 215.20 
U.S. public schools: 220.81

Hot breath could be felt on the back of their necks! Two years later, the breakthrough occurred:

Average scores, Grade 4 reading
Naep, 2019
Alabama: 211.73
Arkansas: 215.05
Mississippi: 219.34 
U.S. public schools: 220.81

The Rebels had taken the lead! Last year, Covid having taken a toll, the numbers looked like this:

Average scores, Grade 4 reading
Naep, 2022
Alabama: 213.30
Arkansas: 211.95
Mississippi: 217.16 
U.S. public schools: 216.11

Even with all the challenges Kristof cites, Mississippi had moved past the national average! That's before you start making (perfectly reasonable) statistical adjustments to account for an array of demographic / educational challenges.

Goofus and Gallant reviewed those numbers. Here's what the two fellows did:

Goofus ran straight to Storyline. Gallant conducted a search!