The New York Times can’t be wrong!

TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 7, 2012

When dumb things are said by great people: Last Wednesday, the New York Times made a mistake. Unless you read the New York Times, in which case it was Gingrich’s fault.

Within the world of the New York Times, the New York Times simply can’t be wrong. This can produce some real amusement when the Times does make a mistake.

What did the Times get wrong last week? On Wednesday night, the paper reported that Donald Trump was going to endorse Newt Gingrich. But uh-oh! The very next day, Donald Trump endorsed Mitt Romney.

Did this mean the Times made a mistake? Darlings, please! On Friday morning, Trip Gabriel’s news report managed to blame the whole thing on Gingrich. These were the hard-copy headlines: “Gears Grind as Gingrich Shifts to Nevada/In an invasion of ‘Romney country,’ a few stumbles.”

What were the Gingrich “stumbles?” Go ahead—you deserve a good laugh:
GABRIEL (2/3/12): As Newt Gingrich seeks to remain a factor, not an also-ran, in the Republican presidential race, it sometimes seems as if the campaign vehicle meant to smoothly transport him to the nomination is more like the Joad family jalopy.

A miscommunication between state and national staff members caused Mr. Gingrich to miss a meeting on Wednesday with Brian Sandoval, the popular Republican governor of Nevada, which infuriated the local staff who had set it up.

On Wednesday evening, as the news media, including The New York Times, published a report that Donald Trump would endorse Mr. Gingrich, citing sources in or close to the campaign—a report that later proved false—Mr. Gingrich’s spokesman ignored requests to confirm or deny the account. And on Thursday, a forum with Hispanic leaders scheduled for 10 a.m. was suddenly pushed back 30 minutes, frustrating the local Gingrich supporter who had arranged it.
Gingrich was thirty minutes late for a meeting—and the New York Times made a large mistake. Unless you were reading the New York Times, where each incident meant that Newt’s campaign is like the Joad family’s jalopy!

It’s a matter of Hard Pundit Law: At the New York Times, the Times can’t be wrong! If you doubt that, just read this blog post in which Andrew Rosenthal asks a fairly dumb question: “Is Abortion Rare?”

In a previous post, Rosenthal had said that abortion in the United States actually is “safe, legal and rare.” Commenters asked if the procedure is really “rare,” given the fact that 1.2 million abortions occur in a year, versus 4.1 million births.

In our view, abortion should be legal—but it seems a bit odd to say that it’s “rare.” But however you may judge that imponderable, you might enjoy watching Rosenthal cherry-pick data to help us see that he can’t have been wrong. (To review the data from which he picked, click through to the Guttmacher fact-sheet.)

This is a very unimpressive group. Sadly, they define “press corps” culture.

SONS OF FLUBBER: Sons of flubber at play with their dolls!

TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 7, 2012

Part 2—Bruni frisks Romney’s great grandpa: In recent decades, American pseudo-political discourse has largely been a study in flubs.

Consider what happened when Candidate Kerry made an imperfect remark.

At issue were two dueling proposal for funding the troops. Candidate Kerry supported Proposal A, stood opposed to Proposal B.

President Bush supported Proposal B, said he would veto Proposal A.

There was nothing strange in any of this. Two politicians took opposite stances on two dueling proposals. But uh-oh! Candidate Kerry then emitted a (very) minor imperfection of speech. His “flub” was flogged for weeks, then months. At the New York Times, reporters were too dumb to explain the dumbness of this campaign—too dumb, or perhaps too cowed.

People! Candidate Kerry was for it before he was against it! (Translation: He voted for Proposal A, then voted against Proposal B.) Because we’re all sons and daughters of flubber, this utterly pointless construction has now become semi-iconic. Wags and half-wits and Times reporters frequently sample this famous jest, right to the present day.

In those days, Stephanie Cutter was one of the Kerry spokespersons who didn’t know how to explain this nonsense away. Yesterday, Cutter was featured in Helene Cooper’s report in the New York Times—a report describing the way the Obama campaign is now on a constant “flub watch.”

Alas! We’re all sons and daughters of Flubber now! According to Cooper's report, rival campaigns scour their twitter feeds, praying for some slim imperfection of speech from the other side. When a “flub” of this type occurs, we engage in weeks of dim-witted recrimination against the flubber. The world is given silly accounts of what the flubber “said,” “suggested” or “meant.” And yes, our presidential elections do get decided this way!

This bad-faith, low-IQ nonsense substitutes for a national discourse. Very few people seem to notice the ongoing switch.

In part, the age of the flub is the age of Dowd. The nation’s never-ending “flub watch” represents the triumphant creep of the brain-dead culture Katherine Boo warned about in 1992 (see THE DAILY HOWLER, 2/6/12). The values of an uncaring, upper-class “press corps” elite have come to define our discourse.

In part, this manifests itself in the culture of flubs. Then too, there’s the type of reasoning put on display in Frank Bruni’s Sunday column.

What would Mitt Romney be like as a president? A sensible person might take a look at what the gentleman did as governor of Massachusetts. He might even look at the major things Romney has said he’ll do if he gets elected.

A sensible person might consider these ways of discerning Romney’s values and “character.” But pundits today just want to have fun! In her own pitiful column this Sunday, Maureen Dowd had her big long nose back in the candidates’ underwear drawers.

Bruni decided to rummage around in Romney’s religion. And sure enough! It wasn’t long before we got to the “good stuff:”
BRUNI (2/5/12): At one of the debates just before the Florida primary, as he and Newt Gingrich jousted over the Latino vote, he answered Gingrich’s charges that he was anti-immigrant by calling them “repulsive” and declaiming, “My father was born in Mexico.” Many news reports mentioned the moment, casting it as an example of his newfound readiness to take the fight back to Gingrich.

But only a few of those reports recognized what an odd line of defense Romney had employed, given why his father was born there. The family lived south of the border because Miles Park Romney, Mitt’s great-grandfather, had fled the United States after the passage of an 1882 law that explicitly banned polygamy, which he practiced. He was reputedly instructed to till a polygamous Mormon colony on foreign soil.
Great-grandpa had several wives! Exciting! Not that a decent person like Bruni cares a whit about such things! Soon, the columnist was sliming Newt Gingrich for a “prediction” someone has made (see below), while he himself displayed the low-grade reasoning which has come to define the way we suss out a major pol’s “character.”

With apologies, we’ll quote four paragraphs as Bruni rummages in the religion drawer, dumbly playing the shrink while pretending to ponder Mitt’s character:
BRUNI: One longtime Republican strategist I talked with predicted that Gingrich would broach Romney’s Mormonism yet, with the aim of mobilizing the Mormon-wary evangelicals who vote in southern primaries on March 6, “Super Tuesday.”

That’s a regrettable motive. But there are valid reasons for the rest of us to home in on Romney’s religion, not in terms of its historical eccentricities but in terms of its cultural, psychological and emotional imprint on him.

His aloofness, guardedness and sporadic defensiveness: are these entwined with the experience of belonging to a minority tribe that has often been maligned and has operated in secret? Do his stamina and resilience as a candidate reflect his years of Mormon missionary work in France, during which he learned not to be daunted in the face of so much resistance that he won a mere 10 to 20 converts, according to “The Real Romney,” a biography published last month?

And what of his sometimes huffy expectation that voters accept his current stances against abortion and gun control, to name two flips, and stop fussing over so many contrary positions in the past? Does that track with Mormonism’s blithe reluctance, according to its critics, to explain controversial tenets that it has jettisoned, like a ban on black clergy members that was in place until 1978?
This is very stupid work. It typifies the way the mainstream “press corps” now tends to tease out “character.”

According to Bruni, Candidate Romney displays a “sporadic defensiveness” (our emphasis). And not only that! “Sometimes” (our emphasis), he displays a “huffy expectation that voters accept his current stances...and stop fussing over so many contrary positions in the past.” Can we talk? If this is the worst one can say about Romney, there is little to criticize in his “character.” Which modern White House candidate hasn’t been “sporadically defensive?” Who hasn’t been “sometimes huffy?”

In fact, Romney has engaged in gigantic flips in major policy areas; few modern candidates have flipped in so many large ways. Those giant flips should be an obvious point of concern—but Bruni want to fumble around in that thrilling religion, and so he starts asking silly questions about the way Romney got to be like this. What explains his “sporadic defensiveness?” Is it explained by the fact that his “tribe” “has often operated in secret?” What explains his decade of flips? “Does that track with Mormonism’s blithe reluctance, according to its critics...”

Well—you can read the rest of that sentence, a sentence which reveals a complete inability to reason, think, conjure or cipher.

Bruni is playing with dolls at this point, just as Dowd did in her own Sunday column. He even wonders if Romney’s “stamina and resilience as a candidate reflect his years of Mormon missionary work in France!” There’s an obvious answer to that pseudo-question: Who gives a flying fig if it does? Does it matter where Romney’s traits arose, especially since no journalist will ever be able to answer such pseudo-psychiatric questions? Does it matter where Romney’s resilience arose? Where he got his sporadic defensivesness? Why not just describe his traits and pretty much leave it at that?

The answer is fairly obvious: Modern pundits just wanta have fun. They like to rummage in underwear drawers. They like to rummage around with religion, especially if this lets them muse about great-grandfather’s wives. Absent-mindedly, they’ll forget to tell you what Romney has said about these ancient, ancestral practices. They’ll forget to tell you what he has said about the ban on black clergy members which ended in 1978.

This is a very low-IQ game. On Sunday, Dowd was off in the underwear drawer once again. But that’s where Bruni was too.

In recent decades, this is the way the “press corps” has explained the candidates’ “character.” They don’t stoop to the level of describing a candidate’s actual policy proposals; that is hard, boring work. Instead, they take out their dolls and they start to play—perhaps even putting their doll of a dog up on the roof of their shiny toy car! Or they have fun with a candidate’s flubs! And as they imagine the candidate’s soul, no anecdote is too dumb to consider. As he continues, Bruni dreams of a highly revealing moment—a highly revealing moment which occurred in the summer of 65:
BRUNI (continuing directly): A tactful desire to avoid any sensationalizing of Romney’s faith has created a tendency not to give it appropriate due. To read “The Real Romney,” which represents an exception, is to realize the utter centrality of religion in his life. One of the book’s most arresting passages describes a moment when Ann, his wife-to-be and then a Protestant, asks him what Mormons believe. His detailed explanation moves her to tears, perhaps because it’s so heartfelt, perhaps also because he’s so nervous about her reaction.
Does that “arresting passage” in that book help us see “the utter centrality of religion” in Romney’s life? Please. Bruni refers to a single paragraph in The Real Romney (page 30) in which Mitt Romney, age 18, explains one part of the Mormon faith to his high school girl friend, age 16.

It was the girl friend who shed those tears, not our leading-man, Romney. (The book explains why she did.) But so what? From this fleeting anecdote, Bruni draws a sweeping view of who Romney “really” is. Alas! To read Bruni’s account is to realize the utter centrality of silly bullroar in Frank Bruni’s life.

Romney has made a set of proposals which are bat-shit insane. They hand large sacks of cash to the very rich—to the very people Romney says he won’t be focusing on. Romney says quite a few things which aren’t true—and his reversals define a new standard. But so what? We now live in a culture of flubs—and in a culture of pseudo-psychiatry. Here’s what you won’t see from Maureen Dowd’s spawn: The sheer insanity of Romney’s proposals described and explained.

Maureen Dowd doesn’t do explanations of policy; such explanations are boring. For his part, Bruni heads for great-grandfather’s underwear drawer, savaging Gingrich in advance just in case he does the same.

They play with their dolls and they toy with their “flubs.” Remember when Kerry made his funny statement? This is the shape of your “press corps” culture—the culture which handed you Bush.

Tomorrow: Describing that latest flub

Fund-raising delayed is fund-raising denied!

MONDAY, FEBRUARY 6, 2012

Never correct a typo: Over the weekend, we made a mistake. We decided to correct a typo on our donations page.

This brought our third non-annual fund-raising drive to an instant halt. Our ISP is still trying to figure out what happened.

Maybe we’ll just postpone till next week. At which time, we’ll focus on the learnings which will follow in Chapter 7 at How He Got There, our companion site.

We do think people need to understand our recent political history. In the mainstream press and in the career liberal world, many people are eager to keep you from understanding the ludicrous conduct of the press corps during the Clinton-Gore years.

History delayed is history denied! We’ll plan to finish our third non-annual fund-raising drive next week.

Maureen Dowd and Katherine Boo!

MONDAY, FEBRUARY 6, 2012

The road that has been widely taken: Long ago, Katherine Boo became the sage of an age.

The year was 1992. Writing for the Washington Monthly, Boo did something that just isn’t done—she complained about Maureen Dowd’s fatuous work! In the process, she coined an immortal phrase:

“Creeping Dowdism.”

Katherine Boo was prescient. At an early stage, she diagnosed the disease which has spread all through the “press corps.” The Dowdism was “creeping” at that time.

Since then, it has galloped, stampeded.

Where are Dowd and Boo today? On Sunday, Dowd presented her latest cry for help. She offered her latest analysis of politicians’ wives on the New York Times op-ed page.

Silly commenters cheered her on. The nation’s IQ kept dropping.

By way of contrast, Boo has published her latest book: Behind the Beautiful Forevers: Life, Death, and Hope in a Mumbai Undercity.

Just for the record, Mumbai used to be Bombay!

Ironically, Boo’s book was praised last week in the New York Times, the entity through which the Dowdism rampaged. You might even say that Boo is writing about very poor children in very poor neighborhoods, the kinds of people we liberals pretend to be concerned about, so we can bash the other tribe for their lack of concern.

In 1992, these were two sides of the journalistic world. One side has crept, spread and conquered.

The immortal reply: What does Dowd care about? In a profile in Brill’s Content, Gay Jervey recorded her immortal remarks.

The year was 1999. Dowd's alleged words, recalled by Joe Klein, define the current age:
JERVEY (6/99): “Maureen is very talented," observes Joe Klein of The New Yorker. "But she is ground zero of what the press has come to be about in the nineties... I remember having a discussion with her in which I said, 'Maureen, why don't you go out and report about something significant, go out and see poor people, do something real?' And she said, 'You mean I should write about welfare reform?’”
"You mean I should write about welfare reform?" We'd call that a perfect screen-grab.

Yesterday, Dowd mused about Callista and Michelle. She told us what their husbands see when they look into their eyes.

SONS OF FLUBBER: It’s all we have!

MONDAY, FEBRUARY 6, 2012

Part 1—Crazy proposals v. Flub Watch: Our political culture is brainless, dumb, sad.

Just consider those crazy proposals—the crazy proposals Republican candidates are allowed to advance.

Last Saturday evening, Michael Steele, former RNC chairman, mused about Candidate Ron Paul during a chat on MSNBC. Paul had made a budget proposal which was transparently crazy—but Steele didn’t seem to know that. This is what the gentleman said about Paul’s crazy proposal:
STEELE (2/4/12): In tough economic times, what [Ron Paul] is saying makes a lot of sense. And what’s interesting is, he has been saying it, as Steve noticed, for a very long time. And I took away something that’s very significant.

He’s talking about cutting a trillion dollars out of the budget in one year. You know the old Washington trick. We do it over ten years—so we’d cut like a hundred billion dollars a year for 10 years. That’s nothing. What he’s talking about is a fundamental change in the way the government manages its money. And that resonates with lot of voters.

And I’ve said for a long time and you may disagree with me a little bit on this. I think there’s a synergy that Ron Paul has that captures that Tea Party and that Occupy Wall Street-esque feel on the economic side, which is why you see those 20-something year olds galvanizing, one thousand-plus college kids in an auditorium on a Saturday night.
Candidate Paul is talking about “cutting a trillion dollars out of the budget in one year.” Do you know the size of the federal budget? If you do, you know that Ron Paul’s budget proposal is just flat bat-shit insane.

Alas! Michael Steele didn’t seem to know that Ron Paul’s proposal is bat-shit insane. But then again, neither did Karen Finney, another member of the august MSNBC panel.

Finney seems like a very nice person. Not long ago, she was communications director for the DNC. Responding to Steele, this is what the MSNBC contributor said:
FINNEY (continuing directly): That’s truly an important point. Ron Paul seems to be the only Republican candidate who is really made a play for the youth vote. I mean, he’s really done well in Iowa and New Hampshire, for example, among youth voters, though I would be curious to see in terms of Nevada how that helps in terms of his goal of doing better in the caucus.

You know the other thing is, in the last election cycle, the Republicans really didn’t make the effort to go after the youth vote, because there was such the assumption that President Obama would get the youth vote. But what Pew is reporting is that in the course of the last four years, young voters, millennial in particular, are becoming more frustrated about the role of government. And whether or not—and so I think, you know, Ron Paul’s message really resonates. They don’t see government working as much as they used to be the most sort of optimistic about.
Gack! Steele praised Paul for a crazy proposal—and Finney discussed a process question. Never mind explaining the fact that Paul’s proposal is bat-shit insane. The “important point” lay in the fact that Paul has pursued the youth vote! Finney thinks that Ron Paul's message "really resonates" too!

That’s how discussions often go on our liberal channel. Thanks to decades of such discussions, Republican candidates are allowed to make budget proposals which “resonate with lot of voters” even though they’re bat-shit insane. Because no—Ron Paul isn’t the only Republican candidate making crazy proposals.

At present, GOP proposals are all insane. But how often do voters hear this?

Paul’s proposal is transparently nuts. But then again, how about Mitt Romney’s budget proposals? In a recent editorial, the Washington Post discussed the sheer absurdity of his tax proposals (see THE DAILY HOWLER, 2/2/12). But look at the way Romney’s proposals are described by Michael Tomasky, one of our favorites, in the current New York Review of Books. The very brightest of the liberal elite will see them limned this way:
TOMASKY (2/23/12): Romney’s proposed tax cut, writes The Washington Post's Ezra Klein, is roughly three times the size of George W. Bush’s 2000 proposal. It’s far more regressive—it would actually raise taxes on many working-class people, which Bush did not do—and would add to the deficit a hefty $600 billion.
Is that really what Ezra Klein wrote? Sort of. Following Tomasky’s footnote, we found Klein writing that Romney’s plan “amounts to a tax cut of $600 billion in 2015”—in that one year alone! Given the size of our ongoing deficits; given the size of the annual budget; given Republican screeching about deficits/debt, that $600 billion isn’t a “hefty” amount; such a tax cut would be bat-shit insane. But you’ll never see the liberal world explain such facts to voters. We just don’t know how to do it.

Tomasky’s account is technically accurate—and yes, he’s one of our favorites. Having said that, you can bet the house that the New York Review’s elite liberal readers can’t begin to explain the absurdity of Candidate Romney’s tax cut proposals. We liberals have been failing such tests for the past forty years. As a result, the country is crawling with regular people, young and old, who believe all sort of crazy things. (If we lower our tax rates, we get higher revenue!) People like this are easily swayed by all sorts of crazy proposals. Borrowing Steele’s unchallenged language, proposals which are utterly crazy “resonate with” such voters, who number in the scores of millions.

We liberals simply don’t know how to talk about serious matters. What are we left with instead? In this morning’s New York Times, Helene Cooper offers this sad report about the DNC’s ongoing “flub watch.” In that strategy, the DNC and related groups in wait for small imperfections of speech by Romney and broadcast these “flubs” to the world.

Cooper’s “Political Memo” describes a liberal world which doesn’t know how to discuss things which actually matter. In fact, the DNC which Cooper describes has been getting its brains beaten out for years; it may or may not defeat Romney this way, but progressive interests will never prosper in the process. Good God! Just look at the way these losers reacted to Romney's latest “flub.” For several decades, this has been your DNC at work:
COOPER (2/6/12): The Internet ad cobbled together by the Democratic National Committee hit the Web on Wednesday afternoon.

“In a shallow attempt to show concern for the middle class, Mitt Romney told CNN today he’s not concerned about the very poor,” the ad said. “But his policy proposals make clear that he also isn’t very concerned about the middle class—his tax plan provides a modest tax cut, about $167, for middle-class families but provides about $146,000 for families making more than $1 million.” It continued: “Mitt Romney: Not concerned about the poor, or the middle class.”
According to the DNC, you can tell that Romney isn’t concerned about the middle-class because the tax cuts he’s offering them just aren’t large enough!

Romney’s tax cuts for the highest earners are in fact bat-shit insane. But in that text, you see the DNC adopting the RNC’s most basic frameworks: Taxes must always be cut! The measure of a pol’s concern lies in the size of his tax cuts! But then, President Obama has proposed extending the bulk of George Bush’s tax cuts.

Just twelve years ago, when those cuts were proposed, Democrats opposed them en masse.

Republicans propose the darnedest things—and the liberal world doesn’t know how to say so. All week long, we’ll look at the way prevailing “flub culture” makes a joke of our world. We’ll look at Bruni; we’ll look at Dowd; we’ll review the analytical skills of Maddow. We’ll look at Cooper as she tries to "be clear" about what Romney said in that latest flub.

Over and over, we’ll see the truth:

In the mainstream press and on our TV machine thingy, poorly trained minds pursue flub culture, making a joke of our world. This has been happening for a good many years. Plainly, it has helped create our current large predicament.

Alas! This “Flub Watch” seems to be all we have. It follows decades of liberal incompetence. This approach may or may not prevail against Romney—but uh-oh! In the modern mainstream and liberal worlds, we’re all sons and daughters of Flubber!

Fooling with flubs is all we have. This is the way we got here.

Tomorrow: The way Frank Bruni reasons

About that non-annual fund-raising drive!

SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 4, 2012

Click that for our latest discussion: Time does fly when you’re having big fun! Our third non-annual fund-raising drive is already half over!

We want to leave history for the future. Meanwhile, company men from the Washington Post Group are working hard to deceive.

For our latest pitch on the matter, click this. You’ll see one scribe starting to tell the truth—and one scribe working extremely hard to maintain long-standing deceptions. John Kerry for the wrong kind of cheese! And Al Gore shouted too loud!

At long last, do they have no shame? A bit of obvious background:

The so-called “press corps” is more like a guild. They don’t want the public to understand their values and practices—the things they actually do, the crap they've been peddling for decades

We’d like to leave future people the truth. They want to extend the deception.

If you’re feeling suggestible at this time, you can always just click this.

If not:

Read about Melinda Henneberger’s feint at the truth, as contrasted with Jacob Weisberg’s dogged defense of corporate deception. Yesterday, we noted that contrast.

To ponder that contrast, click here.

Update—the enemy of the good: In the course of correcting a minor typo, our technicians have knocked out our "Donations" page!

We're told it can be fixed Monday morning. That's how we roll around here.

The third-party hopefuls: Who knew!

SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 4, 2012

Baltimore’s Vermin Supreme: Who knew that Vermin Supreme had those Baltimore roots?

We certainly didn’t. We first encountered Vermin during the 2000 New Hampshire primary. We were there on the Hotline’s dime—although, in a brush with greatness, we also spoke to that Concord High School class which was fighting back, all by itself, against the Love Canal swindle.

The AP mocked them for their efforts. For details, just read Chapter 6.

Vermin was on the ballot, of course, running on a memorable platform: It’s too hot in the summer and too cold in the winter.

So said Vermin Supreme. He was our pal Tim Howe’s favorite.

As the City Paper has now revealed in this cover-story profile, Vermin’s roots are right here in Baltimore. Indeed, Vermin was booking shows in this city at the same time we were! In our own sphere, we booked Roseanne Barr in 1986—and we passed on Dana Carvey over a difference of $250. (In fairness to ourselves, we were offering more than we usually paid because he was such a fabulous act. He wasn’t well-known at the time.)

Vermin was booking a different species of act, as the profile explains.

We saw Vermin on C-Span a few weeks ago in a New Hampshire candidates’ forum. Vermin spotted the dumbness a long time ago.

Most of us are still out there buying.

Trail mix: Peeking behind the curtain!

SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 4, 2012

The press corps’ mode of life: It’s something we enjoy about our top-end professional press corps.

They aren’t afraid to pull back the curtain and let us see the ways they live and think. Average people are eager to know about the lives of these troubadours.

Back in the day, Henry Thoreau tended to get the same thing:
THOREAU (1847): I should not obtrude my affairs so much on the notice of my readers if very particular inquiries had not been made by my townsmen concerning my mode of life, which some would call impertinent, though they do not appear to me at all impertinent, but, considering the circumstances, very natural and pertinent. Some have asked what I got to eat; if I did not feel lonesome; if I was not afraid; and the like. Others have been curious to learn what portion of my income I devoted to charitable purposes; and some, who have large families, how many poor children I maintained. I will therefore ask those of my readers who feel no particular interest in me to pardon me if I undertake to answer some of these questions in this book.
We thought of that passage from Thoreau when we read our Ashley Parker this morning. Much as Thoreau once did in his book, Parker helps us understand a campaign reporter’s “mode of life” when she is out on the trail:
PARKER (2/4/12): No one knows yet what Mr. Romney’s Secret Service code name is, but a few weeks ago over a long dinner, his traveling press corps came up with their own suggestions. The Secret Service’s custom is to choose a letter and then assign the candidate and each family member a name starting with that letter. For Mr. Romney, the reporters went with “S.”

Mr. Romney’s wife, Ann, who is known as the “Mitt-stabilizer” for her abilities to calm her husband, was “Serenity.” His oldest son, Tagg, was “Scion.” Ben, his doctor son, was “Scalpel.”

And Mr. Romney himself was named in homage to his campaign theme song, Kid Rock’s “Born Free,” which includes the verse, “Wild, like an untamed stallion.” Mr. Romney, at least to his traveling press corps, will always be “Stallion.”
Good solid highly informative stuff! You’ll note it took the scribes a “long” time to come up with all those ideas! That is a direct quote!

Question: Should the scribes cut these long dinners short and study up on the rare occasion, hoping they might be able to describe this candidate’s ludicrous tax proposals? We’ll leave that one to the philosophes! But we’ll guess that Parker won’t be so inclined. Earlier in her rumination, she took us inside her own mental world, as Thoreau did long ago:
PARKER: For a politician like Mr. Romney, who is remarkably disciplined in public, those moments on the rope line offered brief glimpses into the impromptu and unscripted candidate. It was there that we learned about his penchant for guessing voters’ ages and heritage—often incorrectly—and where a reporter spotted Mr. Romney handing a wad of cash to a woman who said she was unemployed. All of those moments will become more difficult to see and hear as the security buffer around him expands.
Interesting! Romney has a penchant for guessing voters’ ages! And he often gets them wrong! It will be hard to get information like this if reporters can’t get near him on those rope lines!

(Parker linked to this earlier “news report” about this particular penchant. The headline said that this behavior showed Romney was “retooled, loose.”)

By their own admission, the reporters linger at long dinners, inventing code names for the whole family. Where do they come from? What makes them like this? Do they behave this way all the time?

In Concord, townsmen had questions for Thoreau. This morning, sitting right here at our desk, these questions popped into our minds.

Full disclosure: For five years, Parker was Maureen Dowd’s “research assistant.”

Chapter 6: Paying our history forward!

FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 3, 2012

We hope you’ll be able to help: Just like that, we’re half-way through our third non-annual fund-raising drive!

In the past few days, we’ve seen the war that’s being conducted about our recent history.

In Wednesday morning’s Washington Post, Melinda Henneberger wrote this piece. The headline, right on page A2: “Let’s not give Romney the Al Gore treatment.”

Can we talk? The vast bulk of the public has never heard that there’s any such thing as “the Al Gore treatment!” That very same day, Jacob Weisberg posted this horrible piece at Slate, trying to keep them deceived. (For fuller treatment, see post beow.)

Henneberger started telling a secret about her own guild’s past misconduct. Weisberg is working very hard to keep you barefoot and clueless.

In our view, future generations will need to know the history of the Clinton-Gore years. They will need to read and understand Gene Lyons’ Fools for Scandal. They will need to read and understand Lyons and Conason’s The Hunting of the President.

They will also need to understand what happened in the war against Gore. That twenty-month war sent Bush to the White House.

The future deserves to know.

If we were rolling in dough, we wouldn’t ask. But we aren’t, and we hope you’ll consider a contribution. If you’re feeling suggestible today, you know what to do: Just click this.

Over at our companion site, our newly-posted Chapter 6 describes the Love Canal episode of December 1999. During that astonishing episode, the theme that Candidate Gore was a LIAR hardened, then turned to stone. Chris Matthews played a leading role in this episode, as he did in so many others.

Today, his keister is kissed by corporate players—by people who tell you they’re working hard on your high-minded “liberal” team.

We’ll only suggest that you read Chapter 6, with many disgraces to follow. This is the way George Bush reached the White House.

The future will need to know.

Culture watch: We’re all Cokie Roberts now!

FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 3, 2012

As Dylan asked, How does it feel: This is the way Paul Krugman starts today’s column:
KRUGMAN (2/3/12): If you’re an American down on your luck, Mitt Romney has a message for you: He doesn’t feel your pain. Earlier this week, Mr. Romney told a startled CNN interviewer, “I’m not concerned about the very poor. We have a safety net there.”
That highlighted statement is technically accurate. Our praise will have to end there.

Romney actually did say those words. Then too, this is the technically accurate, comical way he was “quoted” by Ed Kilgore:

“I’m not concerned about the very poor... We will hear from the Democrat party, the plight of the poor... You can focus on the very poor, that’s not my focus... The middle income Americans, they’re the folks that are really struggling right now and they need someone that can help get this economy going for them.”

We guess that’s “technically accurate” too, although if you know the rules of quotation, we’d have to call it a misquotation. (Ellipses can’t be used if they obscure the overall meaning.) What would you think if someone “quoted” Romney’s statement like this?

I'm not concerned about the very rich, they're doing just fine. I'm concerned about the very heart of the America, the 90, 95 percent of Americans who right now are struggling...You can choose where to focus. You can focus on the rich. That's not my focus...My focus is on middle-income Americans, retirees living on Social Security, people who cannot find work, folks who have kids that are getting ready to go to college. These are the people who've been most badly hurt during the Obama years.

That would be just as “technically accurate” as Kilgore’s presentation.

In a similar vein, what would you think about a pro-Romney column which started out like this?
ANTIKRUGMAN: If you’re an American who’s raking in millions, Mitt Romney has a message for you: He doesn’t think you need his help. Earlier this week, Mr. Romney told a startled CNN interviewer, “I’m not concerned about the very rich, they’re doing just fine.”
That would be technically accurate. You could vamp forward from there.

Krugman’s opening paragraph is technically accurate, but we’d have to call it misleading. In paragraph 5, he covers his tracks. Having reviewed a lot of “technical accuracy” down through the years, we think this makes it worse:
KRUGMAN: Also, given this whopper about how safety-net programs actually work, how credible was Mr. Romney’s assertion, after expressing his lack of concern about the poor, that if the safety net needs a repair, “I’ll fix it”?
After expressing his lack of concern? You mean, about half a second after?

Krugman granted himself a bit more technical accuracy there. But this is what pundits often do. Before they’re done, they cover their keisters in this way, giving themselves the defense of “technical accuracy” even as they expand their stretch.

For our money, this was the week when pseudo-quotation began to define the “liberal” project, just as it has defined mainstream “journalism” for much of the past twenty years. By now, tape of Rmney’s remark about “liking to fire people" has become liberal wallpaper. By way of contrast, this is what liberal bloggers said less than a month ago, when the remark was made:

Matt Yglesias: [S]ome progressive groups are pretending to believe that this is a video clip of Romney saying that he enjoys firing people. In context, what he's clearly saying is that the problem with the health insurance market is that it's too difficult for an unhappy customer to fire his insurance company. This is not at all what he's being attacked for saying.

Steve Benen: In fairness, the context makes an enormous difference.

Kevin Drum: Of course, this is wildly out of context.

James Fallows: Obviously Mitt Romney did not mean that he enjoys the process of telling people "you're gone!" when he made his infamous "I like being able to fire people" remark in New Hampshire.

Greg Sargent: Let me go on record saying it would be misleading and unfair to clip the video in question in order to quote Romney this way: “I like being able to fire people.”

Josh Marshall: He wasn't talking about employees. And it's been taken out of context.

Pema Levy, TPM: in fairness to Mitt, the line seems to have been taken out of context.

Back then, the statement was “out of context.” Today, it defines our world.

Again, a basic statement:

Candidate Romney’s tax proposals are crazy on their face. His conduct at Bain was very unattractive. But so what? Four weeks after Reuters described that conduct at Bain in a very detailed report, the liberal world has let it go. We never saw anyone describe the conduct Reuters explained with such care.

We simply don't know how to do it! To all appearances, we don't understand the types of conduct which would make the public's blood boil. We simply don't understand.

In his column today, Krugman finally gets around to explaining what's wrong with Romney's absurd proposals. But that is not the current focus of liberal punditry. Rather clearly, that focus has been on the joy of pseudo-quotation. Then, we drag out Professors Dyson and Heldman. They tell us that everyone's racist.

(Professor Heldman seems to have failed her long, pathetic try-out as a blond pundit at Fox. Her tone is quite different now with Big Ed. These hustlers are very pleasing, but they aren't especially honest.)

Bottom line, and it's been a large surprise for us: We liberals just aren’t very smart. We have been handed opponents whose proposals are simply bizarre—but we don’t know how to argue such matters. Beyond that, we know the public doesn’t trust us—and in truth, we've earned their distrust. (Did you watch Rachel's week-and-a-half of dick jokes?)

But even if the public did trust us, we simply aren’t smart enough to argue these policy matters.

We're all Cokie Roberts now! As Dylan asked, "How does it feel?"

DEATH AND TAXES AND NOVELS: Chairman Weisberg defends the regime!

FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 3, 2012

Epilogue—In four debates, nobody asked: For perhaps the last forty years, your “press corps” has kept you entertained with its piss-pitiful novels.

They tell you tales about dogs on the roof—and about dogs’ arthritis pills. They entertain you with pseudo-quotations. How inane will they be?

Consider the pseudo-journalist turned corporate suit, the sadly inane Jacob Weisberg.

Weisberg had all the advantages. According to Wikipedia, he comes from a prominent Chicago family. Mother was a social activist and a “connector;” to show you the depth of her greatness, she was even “celebrated in Malcolm Gladwell's book The Tipping Point.”

Dad was a prominent lawyer, later a judge. Back in the day, Mom and Dad were introduced by Ralph Ellison, the name-dropping profile tells us.

Given a family background like that, how much could have gone wrong with Weisberg? He graduated from Yale in 1986, then went to Oxford as a Rhodes Scholar. But good God! Before too many years had passed, he was devoting himself to his book, Bushisms, then to its sequel (Palinisms). During Campaign 2004, he complained in detail about Wesley Clark’s sweaters. Today, he’s chairman of the Slate Group, a division of the Washington Post Company.

What the fuck is the Slate Group? To depress yourself, just click here.

As a corporate spokesman for the “press corps,” Weisberg devotes his wasted life to advancing its novelized nonsense. The press corps’ silly novelized tales have driven the discourse for perhaps forty years. Pool boys like Weisberg keep getting hauled out to defend the regime even now.

Two days ago, Weisberg filed this sad report in Slate. His headline explained that “Romney Is Kerry. Or Maybe Gore.”

What follows will show where Rhodes Scholarship leads, given the drift of our upper-class culture. With apologies, we’ll post four paragraphs of Weisberg’s piece, a virtual highlight reel of the guild’s novelized nonsense. This comes from the realm of the dog on the roof—from the realm of the “press corps” novel:
WEISBERG (2/1/12): Romney strongly resembles two similarly unloved Democratic nominees from the recent past, Al Gore and John Kerry. Gore and Kerry both suffered from the same characterizations that get applied to Romney—too wooden in person while too flexible in their views. Their supporters often argued that qualifications were what mattered. But ominously for Romney, both Gore and Kerry lost winnable races because of their flawed personalities. George W. Bush, on the other hand, got elected and re-elected, despite his enormous, substantive shortcomings, because ordinary people found it easy to relate to him at a personal level. They felt he wasn’t trying to be someone different from who he was.

Romney, Kerry, and Gore are all, in a way, versions of the same political type. Statuesque, handsome, from privileged backgrounds and impeccably credentialed, they have no log-cabin stories to humanize and ground them. Unlike a Lyndon Johnson, a Richard Nixon, a Ronald Reagan, a Bill Clinton, or a Barack Obama, they didn’t overcome humble origins or broken families. Romney’s background is alien to most Americans not because he descends from polygamists but because his father was a governor of Michigan, an automobile company CEO, and a presidential candidate.

In his attempt to overcome his privileged origins, the unloved candidate struggles to establish his plain-folks ordinariness in ways that inevitably backfire. He touts his plebian tastes—pick-up trucks, country music, trashy food—and inevitably overdoes it or gets the background music wrong. Al Gore’s attempt to look less like a Washington politician yielded the “earth tones” fiasco. John Kerry asked for his Philly cheesesteak with Swiss cheese, and was photographed nibbling at this alien object rather than tucking in, as one does.

The public usually picks up on this authenticity gap—the space between who the candidate really is and how he wants to be seen. In each case, the problem manifests itself in a slight different way [sic]. A technocrat by nature, Gore disliked the performative side of politics. He wildly overcompensated for this by angrily shouting his speeches at rallies and demonstrating ardor for his now ex-wife with a soul kiss at the Democratic convention. His hyperbolic passion on the campaign trail made it a simple matter for Republicans to brand Gore as a compulsive exaggerator who claimed to have invented the Internet.
Weisberg was once considered promising, perhaps even smart. Today, he writes from inside the walls of corporate “press” culture. And good God! He even discusses John Kerry’s cheesesteak mistake, without the slightest sign of embarrassment.

This is what our children will do to make themselves wealthy “connectors.”

In his truly pitiful piece, Weisberg pretends that his guild's silly novels make sense. The pretending is seen all around. In 1988, Candidate Bush aggressively “touted his plebian tastes” in “pick-up trucks, country music, trashy food”—and he won election by a wide margin. (What was his log-cabin story?) In 2000, Candidate Gore won the popular vote over Candidate Bush. Despite this rather well-known fact, Weisberg explains that Bush succeeded because the voters saw through Gore and thought Bush was authentic.

Simple story! When corporate hirelings defend corporate power, their claims don’t have to sense. Briefly, let’s fact-check the novels Weisberg still chooses to type about Gore, aggressively deceiving the public about the way our society actually works.

According to the Slate Group's chairman, Gore (like Kerry) lost a winnable race because of his flawed personality. Ordinary people felt he was trying to be someone different from who he was.

Weisberg gives two examples:

Gore’s attempt to look less like a Washington politician yielded the “earth tones” fiasco. Can we talk? To this day, we still have no clear idea what the “earth tones fiasco” was. We have researched Campaign 2000 for the past dozen years. We still haven’t found a single reporter or pundit who described Gore’s alleged misconduct in a coherent manner.

Yes, there was an olive/brown suit which Gore wore to some events in the fall of 1999. A long list of pundits screeched about this troubling suit, which quite clearly had three buttons; they tried to top each other in their expressions of horror. (Arianna topped all the rest, claiming the suit had four buttons.) And yes, the pundit corps screeched and yelled as it alleged that Gore was wearing the suit because Naomi Wolf said. No evidence supporting this claim emerged; no one ever really explained why this would have mattered if true. But so what? Everyone yelled the latest group tale, for a good solid month; for a full account of this group mental illness, see Chapter 5 of How He Got Here. The lunacy of this behavior is clear—yet Weisberg affirms it to this very day, even as he continues lamenting Kerry’s choice in cheese topping.

In a rational world, a figure like Weisberg would be chased through the streets for advancing this disinformation so many years later. Jealous citizens would get him locked up as an enemy of the people. But we don’t live in that rational world; we live in a world controlled by these novels.

Mother Weisberg was a connector! But good lord, how this project went wrong!

He wildly overcompensated for this by angrily shouting his speeches at rallies and demonstrating ardor for his now ex-wife with a soul kiss at the Democratic convention. His hyperbolic passion on the campaign trail made it a simple matter for Republicans to brand Gore as a compulsive exaggerator who claimed to have invented the Internet. Weisberg can’t even be bothered inventing claims which make chronological sense. In fact, Gore was “branded as a compulsive exaggerator who claimed to have invented the Internet” in March 1999. This resulted from a slightly clumsy remark in his very first interview as a candidate. Quite literally, Gore had made no speeches on the trail at the time, hyperbolically passionate or otherwise. In the realm of actual fact, why was it a simple matter for Republicans to brand Gore as a compulsive exaggerator on this ridiculous basis? Because “journalists” like Weisberg began repeating their claims, on a word for word basis, as soon as the RNC made them.

The evidence of this is quite clear. The pool boys will continue to lie, but these are the actual facts. And by the way:

In the real world, how did the public really react to Gore’s angry shouting and hyperbolic passion? Weisberg carefully fails to claim that the public reacted this way to Gore’s convention address, his most-watched campaign speech by far. But first, a brush with greatness:

We lunched with Weisberg at that Democratic Convention, in a foursome which included Jonathan Alter and Walter Shapiro. It may have been the very day of Gore’s speech. But did Gore’s hyperbolic passion and his wet, sloppy kiss show the public he was inauthentic? Sorry. When Gore delivered that speech, when he kissed his wife on the lips, his polling numbers shot through the roof and stayed in place for weeks; to all appearances, the public had loved his angry shouting and perhaps his ardor as well. On MSNBC, Frank Luntz instantly declared the speech “a home run;” a few weeks later, Gore’s numbers seemed to have placed the election out of Bush's reach. At this point, various members of Weisberg’s guild invented two new LIES by Gore, dragging him back to earth in the process. Howard Fineman told Brian Williams that the “press corps” had no intention of letting Gore walk to an easy win—and yes, this is what occurred.

(What were the new invented lies? At USA Today, Shapiro invented the claim that Gore had lied about a lullaby he was sung as a child. Two days later, at the Boston Globe, Walter Robinson invented the claim that Gore had lied about the arthritis pills prescribed for his pet dog. The “press crops” screeched and flung their poo all around, with disastrous results for the nation.)

In fact, Gore’s hyperbolic kiss-and-speak had shot him far ahead in the polls. It was these inventions, four weeks later, which brought him back to earth, making the highly authentic Bush competitive once again.

In those days, Weisberg’s class invented a novelized tale about Gore’s pet dog; this had a disastrous consequence. Today, it’s Romney’s Irish setter who is put to this use. And we the people believe these novels; just read the comments to Weisberg’s piece to see how gullible we the rubes are, including we the liberal rubes.

But as our enemies hand us their novels, they refuse to talk about taxes.

The press corps likes to talk about dogs. They are bored by talk about taxes. Consider the recent debates involving Romney, who famously put his dog on the roof of his speeding car.

Candidate Romney has advanced a set of ludicrous budget proposals. After a bout of pseudo-quotation, Paul Krugman reviews those proposals in today’s New York Times. Just this past Monday, this is the way the Washington Post described this candidate’s genuine, unvarnished lunacy, without ever citing the dog:
WASHINGTON POST EDITORIAL (1/31/12): The case for continuing the George W. Bush tax cuts, at a cost of $3.7 trillion over 10 years (including interest), is shaky enough...But the GOP candidates want to continue all those cuts—and add many more, the vast bulk of which would again go to the wealthiest taxpayers.

Former Massachusetts governor Mitt Romney proposes additional cuts that would drain $180 billion from the treasury in 2015 alone, according to calculations by the Urban Institute-Brookings Institution Tax Policy Center. The nonpartisan center has not calculated the 10-year cost of the plan. But merely multiplying by 10 illustrates that Romney is talking trillions.

And Mr. Romney’s is the most modest of the GOP proposals. Former House speaker Newt Gingrich’s plan would cost an astonishing $850 billion in 2015 on top of the Bush tax cuts. Former Pennsylvania senator Rick Santorum’s would cost $900 billion in 2015 alone.
Given the way the Republican candidates screech and wail about federal deficits, these proposals are simply insane. Unless you watched the corporate hosts of the last four Republican debates.

Unless you read Gail Collins.

Collins keeps writing about Romney’s dog. Meanwhile, she and her colleagues, including Krugman, treat you to silly pseudo-quotations of Romney’s offhand remarks. But if you read the New York Times, good luck understanding Romney’s bizarre tax proposals! This morning, Krugman tells you that Romney’s tax plan would “increase[e] the deficit by $180 billion a year.” But on January 19, in a sprawling news report, Times readers were given a much larger figure—$600 billion per year! Whatever! If Krugman had skipped the pseudo-quotation, he could have explained this matter today. But the “press corps” likes to talk about dogs—and it loves a good semi-quote.

In the process, Romney’s absurd proposals just keep getting glossed, and your nation gets dumber and dumber. In South Carolina, then in Florida, the GOP titans debated four times, for eight total hours. The best and the brightest conducted these sessions: Brian Williams even deigned to host one debate.

On January 23, this was the great man’s first questions. He is paid $12 million per year:
WILLIAMS (1/23/12): Speaker Gingrich, on electability to begin with: Your rival, your opponent on this stage, Governor Romney, was out today calling you erratic, a failed leader, and warning that your nomination for this party could perhaps result in what he called an "October surprise a day." So given the fact that he went after you today on this topic of electability, your response tonight, Mr. Speaker?
On and on the muddlemush went. Before the evening was done, Williams even pretended to ask about a couple of actual topics. But no one asked these ridiculous candidates to explain their tax proposals, which are simply insane.

Just look what these crackpots have proposed. No one bothered to ask!

Can we talk? In four debates in these two states, Romney and Gingrich were never asked to explain their insultingly crazy proposals. Crazy’s now part of the culture! They were asked about their tax returns, and about that contract with Freddie Mac. John King asked Gingrich about his three wives. But no one ever asked these stooges about their tax proposals.

Romney’s proposals are bat-shit insane; your “press corps” prefers to talk about dogs. And they do enjoy a good pseudo-quotation.

As Weisberg helped us remember this week, they’ve been building this culture for a very long time. They played a game with Gore’s dog too.

Weisberg won’t stop advancing this culture; he won't stop reaffirming those novels. His claims don't even make chronological sense.

Are you happy with the world this culture has provided?

Henneberger speaks: History starts to happen!

THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 2, 2012

With your help, we'll keep the ball rolling: In yesterday’s Washington Post, Melinda Henneberger did a good thing.

To see what she wrote, click here. In the hard-copy Washington Post, her piece appeared at the top of page A2.

In her column, Henneberger started to hint at the truth about the coverage of Campaign 2000. Thirteen years have passed since that campaign began, with the instant assault on Candidate Gore, who was quickly reinvented as the world’s biggest LIAR.

Bill Clinton’s impeachment had just reached its end. The press corps had lost its mind and its soul. As a group, they were eager to punish Clinton's anointed successor.

Henneberger’s piece is just a start. But we’ve never seen anyone go this far to acknowledge that something corrupt occurred.

We say “acknowledge,” because Henneberger was a campaign reporter for the New York Times during Campaign 2000. She wasn’t a major offender in the press corps’ war against Gore, although she had a couple of moments. But her 1997 news report on the ridiculous Love Story matter helped the GORE LIAR theme get its start, although it was subsequent work by Frank Rich, Michael Kelly and Maureen Dowd which really got the ball rolling.

Yes, that's right—Frank Rich. This war wasn't run by Bill O'Reilly, who was really quite fair.

In her piece, Henneberger starts to hint at the truth about what they did those summers. In our view, her piece is just a small beginning—but no one else has gone this far. If a truth commission ever occurs, this could count as its start.

The full story ought to be told.

For that reason, we’re asking you to consider our third non-annual fund-raising drive. We have just posted Chapter 6 at our companion site, How He Got There. (To read Chapter 6, just click here.) But we have a long way to go on the story which is being recorded at that site. We hope you’ll consider contributing to the project, which takes lots of time and some money.

To contribute to the effort, go ahead: Just click here.

Mainstream reporters have always kept quiet about what happened in that campaign. The code of silence has been very strong. We think Henneberger did the right thing in her piece, although her piece is just a beginning.

Future generations should read the full story. We hope you’ll play along.

The truth about a key point: At one point, Henneberger explains why Candidate Romney won’t get “the Gore treatment" from the press corps. She writes this:

In the end, we won’t ‘Al Gore’ Mitt Romney because Romney won’t let us get close enough to have as much to use against him.

Please! Romney won’t get treated like Gore. But that just isn't the reason.

Why won’t Romney get treated like Gore? Because we have two press corps again! In 1999 and 2000, there wasn’t an inch of room between the mainstream and the conservative press when it came to the war against Gore. Everyone pimped for the RNC, including a wide range of mainstream press figures.

Chris Matthews was much more culpable than Sean Hannity. On the bright side, he got very rich in the process.

Today, our mainstream press has again split away from the conservative press corps. The mainstream is doing some clowning about Romney—but there will always be powerful organs pushing back in his favor.

That didn’t happen with Gore. Go ahead—read Chapter 6. In that episode from December 1999, Gore was misquoted over and over and over again, and we’re talking about flat-out misquotation.

No one ever said a word. George Bush went to the White House.

That will never happen to Romney. During Campaign 2000, the mainstream press corps went into the tank for the RNC. No Republican nominee will ever see the conservative press corps, or conservative columnists, pimping the DNC’s lines.

The mainstream press corps sold its soul, in a deeply appalling way. The overall pattern won’t happen again. Candidate Romney won’t get the Gore treatment—though Henneberger still avoids explaining why that is.

Will the real Nicholas Kristof stand up!

THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 2, 2012

We're afraid he already has: We’ve always warned you about Nicholas Kristof.

This morning, he continues his latest peculiar crusade. This passage comes near the end, but his whole column drives this perspective:
KRISTOF (2/2/12): [P]olitical parties are not suicidal. When they overreach, they (often) learn. The Democrats did that when they embraced a Southern centrist named Bill Clinton. The British Labor Party was marginalized when I lived in Britain in the early 1980s, but Tony Blair transformed it and revived it about 15 years later. And in Oregon over the last decade, Bladine notes, social wedge issues have lost their force, and moderate Republicans have re-emerged.

Could the same happen nationally? Sure, it seems impossible at the moment. But if Romney somehow manages to make the Republican Party safe for moderates again, that’ll be a triumph for his party—and for the country.
Nicholas Kristof keeps insisting that Romney is a moderate Republican. Today, he makes it sound like Romney is crusading to recreate this long-lost moderate party.

Has Kristof seen the man’s proposals? Beyond that, does a person have to be nuts to write for the New York Times?

Tribe watch: This ought to be an embarrassment!

THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 2, 2012

As it turns out, we have two skills: This should be an embarrassing day in the neighborhood.

It should be, but it isn’t. By now, it’s fairly clear that our tribe can’t be embarrassed, even by efforts like those which follow.

First example: This is the truly pitiful start of Gail Collins’ latest column. This passage should be an embarrassment. But it won’t be:
COLLINS (2/2/12): On the morning after the Florida primary, Mitt Romney bounded out of bed, inhaled the sweet air of victory, donned his new cloak of invulnerability ...

... and went on CNN to announce that he doesn’t care about poor people.

“I’m not concerned about the very poor,” he told a slightly stunned-looking Soledad O’Brien.


Whenever the topic turns to wealth, or the lack thereof, some inner demon seems to make Romney say something that sounds ridiculous, offensive or ridiculously offensive.
That should be embarrassing. But by now, it’s fairly clear that we can’t be embarrassed.

(If you’re getting nervous, buck up! Midway through this morning’s column, the ludicrous lady wrote this:
COLLINS: Does anybody truly believe that Romney is planning to spend any presidential time dreaming up ways to fix the safety net for the benefit of the very poor? Be real. This is the guy who drove to Canada with the family dog strapped on the roof.
Remember: When asked, Collins says the story of the dog represents Romney’s obsessive need for control. Is that the impression a reader would get from this, her latest cry for confinement?)

We won’t even try to explain why the opening part of Collins’ column should be embarrassing. That said, Gail Collins is visibly crazy; Ed Kilgore is not. In fact, Kilgore seems like a perfectly decent person. But what follows would be embarrassing, if our tribe could be embarrassed.

This is what Mitt Romney said, according to Kilgore. We’re using Kilgore’s ellipses, his marks of deletion:
“I’m not concerned about the very poor…. We will hear from the Democrat party, the plight of the poor…. You can focus on the very poor, that’s not my focus…. The middle income Americans, they’re the folks that are really struggling right now and they need someone that can help get this economy going for them.”
That is what Mitt Romney said, as “quoted” by Ed Kilgore! In truth, that presentation would simply be funny, if it weren’t so pathetic and sad. Have you ever seen anyone work so hard to remove the sense of what somebody said? We might as well cut words from magazine covers and paste them together on a page, the way it’s done in crime movies.

A few more thoughts about this truly pitiful episode:

At the end of today’s column, Lady Collins says this: “Rest assured that Mitt Romney is not going to be spending a single second fretting about the problems of really, really poor people.”

Question: Have you ever seen Collins write a word about the problems of really, really poor people? We can answer that for you: No!

Second question: Have you ever seen the concerns of really poor people addressed on MSNBC? Take as much time as you want!

(Last night, after flaying Romney, Ed Schultz returned to his program’s principal focus. He went back to talking about the people he calls “the middle classers.” There’s nothing wrong with that focus, of course—until it’s voiced by The Other.)

For what it’s worth, we’ll offer a brief rumination on the role of the New York Times.

In addition to Collins’ cry for help, the Times offers this inane editorial about what Romney said. It also offers this “news report” by the fatuous Ashley Parker, Maureen Dowd’s former “research assistant.”

Our observations:

In 1998, the New York Times was a very dumb anti-Clinton newspaper.

In March 1999, the Times became a very dumb anti-Gore newspaper. They kept it up for two years.

Today, the Times is a very dumb anti-Romney newspaper. Can you spot the thing which never seems to change?

As the Times behaves this way, the country keeps getting dumbed down. Progressive perspectives tend to get lost in the clowning. Might we offer one thought in closing?

In his statement, Romney said, among other things, that he’s “not concerned about the very rich. They’re doing just fine.”

In saying that, he didn’t mean that he wasn’t concerned about that group at all. He said he wasn’t going to “focus on the rich. That’s not my focus.”

Romney said the very rich aren’t his focus. That claim is rather hard to support based on the policies he has proposed. Romney has proposed very large tax cuts for the highest earners. If the New York Times knew how to explain such things, we might be able to tell the public about the things he’s proposed.

But in the area of domestic politics, the New York Times is a small, slow-witted, upper-class social caste, as it has been for a good many years. And our own emerging liberal world represents a collection of folk who aren’t very smart or honest. We’ve often said that our tribe knows only one move—we know how to call people racists.

Today, we’re forced to amend our remarks. Our tribe knows how to call people racists, and we know how to quote out of context. As it turns out, we have two skills!

As a tribe, we just aren’t very smart. If you disagree, riddle us this:

Why were people like Collins allowed to tear Clinton, then Gore, to shreds all those years? Why were they allowed to send Bush to the White House? (Because that's plainly what they did, although we’ve agreed not to say so.)

How did they get away with that? Did we mention the fact that our tribe isn’t real smart or real honest? By this time, is any fact any more obvious?

DEATH AND TAXES AND NOVELS: The New York Times’ D-minus work!

THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 2, 2012

Part 4—Compared to whom and to what: Readers of the New York Times can count on two things—dogs and taxes.

They can count on a stream of crackpot reports about the adventures of Mitt Romney’s dog, direct from the summer of 83. This morning, America’s craziest columnist is up on the roof of the car again.

(It’s true. Dowd has been surpassed.)

Then too, there’s the paper’s attempts to report on the nation’s tax policy. The reports on Romney’s dog are sad; the reporting on taxes may be even worse.

Consider what happened two weeks ago when the Times devoted a sprawling half-page to the current tax proposals of the various GOP hopefuls, including one candidate who would quit the race that very day.

Make no mistake—these GOP candidates have advanced a set of ludicrous tax proposals. Even as the GOP weeps and moans about the nation’s very large deficits, the candidates are proposing that taxes be lowered—lowered by large amounts. They especially want to lower taxes on the very highest earners—on people whose effective tax rates have been cut almost in half over the past thirty years, even as their incomes have massively grown.

In the last four Republican debates, those in South Carolina and Florida, none of the multimillionaire moderators asked these candidates about these proposals. Tomorrow, we’ll review the hopeless performances of these white-shoe “broadcast journalists.”

For today, let’s review the way the New York Times reported the basic facts about those tax proposals.

January 19 was the big day. Michael Cooper and David Kocieniewski shared the honors; in the hard-copy New York Times, their sprawling report consumed the top half of page A15. This is the way they started:
COOPER/KOCIENIEWSKI (1/19/12): Higher Deficits Seen In Romney's Tax Plan, And His Rivals', Too

When Mitt Romney suggested this week that he pays a lower tax rate than most wealthy Americans do, he refocused attention on his tax proposals—which, like those of his major Republican rivals, would largely cut taxes for the rich while driving down tax collections and widening the nation's deficit.

Mr. Romney's tax plan—which calls for permanently extending the Bush administration's tax cuts, reducing the corporate income tax rate and eliminating the estate tax—would cut the taxes of people earning more than a million dollars a year by an average of $295,874, according to an analysis by the Tax Policy Center, a nonpartisan research group.

Since Mr. Romney would also allow some of President Obama's tax cuts to expire, his plan would effectively raise taxes on some people earning less than $40,000 a year. The Romney tax plan would add to the deficit by reducing federal revenues by $600 billion in 2015, a 16 percent cut, the center found.
As far as we know, nothing is “wrong” in that passage—although, in a fairly typical moment, a contradictory figure seems to appear in this accompanying graphic, where we’re told that people earning more than a million will save $286,880 on average.

Whatever! A reader does get imitations of knowledge in this opening passage, where he is told that Romney’s proposals would “drive down tax collections and widen the nation’s deficit.” And, as the writers continue, they report a remarkable fact: “Some of Mr. Romney's rivals for the Republican presidential nomination are proposing tax cuts that would widen the deficit even more.”

That’s an astonishing fact.

For better or worse, you have to look to that accompanying graphic to learn the size of those other proposals—to learn how much revenue those other proposals would cost. But good grief! Where Romney’s proposal would cost the treasury $600 billion in 2015, Newt Gingrich’s proposals would cost the treasury an astonishing $1.28 trillion that year! Rick Santorum’s proposals would cost $1.3 trillion, the graphic says.

Rick Perry’s proposals were also included, although he wasn't long for the race. His proposals would have cost the treasury $995 billion in 2015, we were told. The cost of Ron Paul’s proposals wasn’t available, the graphic said.

Those are remarkable facts—to the extent that they are facts and to the extent that they're understood. But what do those startling facts really mean? At this point, the reporting by the New York Times takes a turn for the dumpster:

Duh. The reporters tell us that Romney’s proposals would cost the treasury $600 billion in 2015. But in their report, they fail to answer a basic question: Romney’s proposals would cost $600 billion as compared to what? Romney’s proposals would cost the treasury that much swag when compared to what alternate plan?

Alas! The reporters don’t answer those questions in their report. The information is found in the tiniest print on the entire half-page, buried inside that large graphic:

“Analysis is for federal taxes in 2015 and uses current laws, including the expiration of the 2001-3 tax cuts as a baseline.”

That information appears in tiny italicized letters—and yes, it hugely matters. This analysis makes a large assumption; it assumes that all the Bush tax cuts will expire at the end of this year, although no major player supports such a plan, including Barack Obama.

This doesn’t mean that this analysis is “wrong;” it just means that it imagines a world in which federal revenues hugely increase with the return of the Clinton tax rates. Compared to that imagined world, the Republican plans would in fact cause those giant revenue losses. But the writers don’t explain this point of comparison in their report—and there’s little reason to believe that this imaginary world will ever exist.

The reporters show us some very large numbers. But to tell the truth, they don’t explain where those numbers came from or what those numbers mean.

This is awful reporting. The writers have chosen to use a baseline which swells the apparent size of the GOP revenue losses; they don’t explain that they have done so, and they don’t give you other baselines from which you might want to proceed. There’s no good reason to report this matter this way, as the Washington Post made clear in their featured editorial this Monday.

In their editorial, the editors savaged the GOP candidates for the reckless way they throw away future revenues—but they described the size of the revenue losses much more clearly. By extending all the Bush tax cuts, all the GOP candidates throw away $3.7 trillion in revenue over ten years, the editors instantly explained. They then explained how much revenue the candidates would throw away in addition to that:
WASHINGTON POST EDITORIAL (1/31/12): The case for continuing the George W. Bush tax cuts, at a cost of $3.7 trillion over 10 years (including interest), is shaky enough. The cuts for the wealthy alone, which President Obama would end, would cost with interest about $1 trillion over the next decade. But the GOP candidates want to continue all those cuts—and add many more, the vast bulk of which would again go to the wealthiest taxpayers.

Former Massachusetts governor Mitt Romney proposes additional cuts that would drain $180 billion from the treasury in 2015 alone, according to calculations by the Urban Institute-Brookings Institution Tax Policy Center. The nonpartisan center has not calculated the 10-year cost of the plan. But merely multiplying by 10 illustrates that Romney is talking trillions.

And Mr. Romney’s is the most modest of the GOP proposals. Former House speaker Newt Gingrich’s plan would cost an astonishing $850 billion in 2015 on top of the Bush tax cuts. Former Pennsylvania senator Rick Santorum’s would cost $900 billion in 2015 alone.
That presentation is much more informative—much more competent—than the presentation found in the Times. In this recitation, Romney throws away $3.7 trillion over ten years just by extending the Bush tax cuts. Through the rest of his proposals, he proceeds to throw away $180 billion more, in the year 2015 alone! Gingrich throws away “an astonishing $850 billion in 2015 on top of the Bush tax cuts.”

On top of the Bush tax cuts! In just that one year alone!

Does it matter if your country has a coherent public discourse? If it does, the Post presents, in a few simple paragraphs, a much clearer account of this matter than the hapless, lumbering New York Times achieved in a sprawling half-page. Readers can still get these facts jumbled up—but the Post’s account in much clearer.

If you don’t care about matters like this, you’re looking for a novel, not for real information. But if we’re looking for usable knowledge, something is missing from both these accounts:

Where the heck is Barack Obama? What about his proposals?

Good grief! As the Post notes in passing, Obama himself has proposed extending most of the Bush tax cuts. Judging from the numbers the Post presents, it seems that this proposal will cost the treasury $2.7 trillion over ten years if we “use current laws, including the expiration of the 2001-3 tax cuts as a baseline.” But how much would Obama’s full set of proposals cost? Does a full set of proposals exist? Neither the Post nor the Times makes any attempt to say.

In the case of the hapless report by the Times, we’re told how much Perry’s proposals would cost. But we aren’t supposed to wonder or care about Obama’s proposals!

No one but the hapless Times would offer such groaning incompetence. We’re asked to care about Perry’s proposals—but not about Obama’s! And we have to seek out some very fine print to find the baseline being used—although few readers who notice that text are likely to understand the meaning of what it conveys.

In the process, the Times gives you imitations of knowledge—some very rough depictions of the actual world. This is a terrible piece of reporting—the kind of D-minus tax reporting which has long defined our world.

In our view, those are terrible tax proposals—but what about Obama’s proposals? At the Times, you aren’t supposed to care.

Look over there! Rick Perry!

Tomorrow: In four successive TV shows, the multimillionaires didn’t ask

We hope you’ll consider this ongoing project!

WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 1, 2012

History should be recorded: For the third time in fourteen years, we’ve launched our annual fund-raising drive.

We wouldn’t ask if there wasn’t a need. We hope you’ll consider supporting our ongoing project—the history project which is unfolding at our companion site, How He Got There.

To do so, what the heck: Just click here.

How did George W. Bush reach the White House? Your major elites are quite determined to avoid discussing this question. In the process, a decade of press corps misconduct is getting swept out to sea.

Newt still gets to scream and yell. The real history keeps getting lost.

The Clinton-Gore years were a time of growing conservative power in Washington. This fact was rather plainly expressed in the press corps’ rolling misconduct. In March 1999, the pseudo-scandals of the Clinton years gave way to the coverage of Candidate Gore. Twenty months of press corps misconduct sent George W. Bush to the White House.

The press corps no longer functions in the way it functioned during that period. But that history should be recorded—and the press corps will never do it.

We’ve recently posted Chapter 6 at our companion site. (To read Chapter 6, just click here). It describes the punishing Love Canal episode, which may have been the pivotal episode in all of Campaign 2000. But that episode occurred in December 1999. Eleven more months of gong-show behavior were yet to occur at that point.

We think this history should be recorded. The participants will never do so.

Over at How He Got There, we will! And so, for the third time in fourteen years, we make our yearly request.

Where are standards: Within the guild, such things simply aren’t said!

WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 1, 2012

Greenberg reviews Matthews’ book: We purchased and attempted to read Chris Matthews’ book about Dear Jack.

We took it Durham over Thanksgiving. We took it to Maine at Christmas. We found it a rather tedious slog. If we reviewed the book, we would say that it’s the work of someone who seems to be ten.

David Greenberg showed more discipline at the New Republic. We were impressed by this long review—by the fact that it was written, by the fact that it was published.

Darlings! Within the guild, such things aren’t said! We think Greenberg and TNR deserve a commendation.

We were also amazed to see a liberal who exhibits gender awareness. Greenberg is all over Matthews’ manly brio. For our money, Greenberg’s review takes the book a bit too seriously. But good lord! When have such things been said?

Within the guild, it isn’t done. But so what? Greenberg did it!

DEATH AND TAXES AND NOVELS: We the rubes love our novelized tales!

WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 1, 2012

Part 3—And the New York Times can’t explain taxes: We the people rarely know what the falafel we’re talking about.

In fairness, we’re lovable in our incomprehension. We keep leaving comments for the high lady Collins, telling her how much we enjoy her repetitive comments about the treatment of Mitt Romney’s dog. Sunday mornings, we get entertainment: Richard Nixon wasn’t gay! Princess Margaret had a hot figure! And why the tarmac does President Barry tussle with all those blonds? See THE DAILY HOWLER, 1/31/12.

We get entertained with silly novels which pretend to limn the candidates’ character. (Al Gore said he inspired Love Story! He hired a woman to teach him to be a man!) But when it comes to the real affairs of the world, we the people are about as informed as a bag of squirrels squirming and wrestling inside Gail Collins’ head.

Yesterday, we cited a study which helped describe our cluelessness on the subject of taxes. But uh-oh! Two Fridays ago, in the New York Times, David Leonhardt offered another example of our vast incomprehension.

We the people have little idea how much we pay in federal taxes! And according to Leonhardt, this groaning ignorance is a major public policy problem. For the record, Mitt Romney hadn’t released his taxes at the time Leonhardt wrote:
LEONHARDT (1/20/12): When people heard that Mitt Romney’s federal income tax rate was about 15 percent, the immediate reaction of many was to assume that their own rate was higher. The top marginal rate is 35 percent, after all, and the marginal rate on a couple with $70,000 in taxable income is 25 percent.

The truth is that most households probably pay a lower rate than Mr. Romney. It is impossible to know for sure, given that he has yet to release his tax return. What is clear, though, is that a large majority of American households—about two out of three—pays less than 15 percent of income to the federal government, through either income taxes or payroll taxes.

This disconnect between what we pay and what we think we pay is nothing less than one of the country’s biggest economic problems.
Why is our ignorance on this score "one of the country’s biggest economic problems?” We the rubes keep getting convinced that we’re paying beaucoup federal taxes—a much higher level of federal taxes than we’re actually paying, Leonhardt says. According to Leonhardt, this mistaken belief makes it hard to consider the role taxation might play in reducing our annual deficits.

We the people rarely know what the fig newton we’re talking about. Sean and Rush are at pains to deceive us; they've devoted themselves to this task for decades. Then too, we have the work of the journalists at Leonhardt’s newspaper to thank.

Just consider this editorial in this morning’s Times.

Andrew Rosenthal’s latest concerns the proposed Buffett Rule, which the editorial endorses. In his first paragraph, Rosenthal says the proposal “would require million-dollar earners to pay at least 30 percent of their income in taxes,” a claim which is almost surely wrong. Indeed: In his second paragraph, Rosenthal describes the proposal a different way, saying it “would impose a new rate of up to 30 percent that would phase in gradually on incomes between $1 million and $2 million.” Those descriptions seem to be contradictory, though Rosenthal doesn’t seem to have noticed.

In the hard-copy Times, the sub-headline says the rule would “require millionaires to pay a minimum 30 percent tax rate.” This adds to the blizzard of confusing claims.

In paragraph 5, the confusion seems to get worse. “The Congressional Research Service estimates that the Buffett Rule [would] require[e] millionaires to pay at least the same rate as most middle-income taxpayers,” Rosenthal says. Question: Doesn’t that claim reinforce the false notion about which Leonhardt so deeply despaired? Doesn’t it suggest that the bulk of us rubes pay 30 percent, perhaps more?

Let’s be fair! Reading Rosenthal’s editorial, a New York Times reader does acquire some vague imitations of knowledge. He learns that some millionaires would have to pay more under terms of the Buffett Rule; he learns that the figure “30 percent” would somehow be involved in this matter. For ourselves, we were struck by the general incompetence Rosenthal displays in this piece—Rosenthal, who wiles away his daytime hours with silly, stupid-Aspen blog posts in which he ruminates about the character of pols he doesn’t like.

Rosenthal was a legacy hire, and he’s no stranger to novelized tales. In 1992, while still a reporter, he was the source for the idea that President Bush had been bollixed by a supermarket scanner. To this day, no one really seems to know what was true in that famous case—but it did make for a wonderful story! This silly-shit, stupid-asp novelized tale is repeated, to this very day, even as Rosenthal fumbles and flails as he tries to describe the most basic tax proposals. (Also: George Bush glanced at his watch! And he asked for "a splash" of coffee!)

Question: Is Rosenthal’s character called into question by his incompetent work? Should he waste his daytime hours on his silly novelized tales if he can't describe key proposals when it comes time to act? Way back in 2000, we asked a similar question about Saint John McCain, who was being praised for his astounding high character even as reporters noted his groaning mistakes about every known policy question.

As a matter of character, should a presidential candidate know the basic facts about basic policy matters? How about a person who sits atop the Times editorial board? Expecting such skill from Rosenthal is a bit of a fool’s errand, of course. His predecessor at this post was that very same Lady Collins—the same high lady who wastes her time typing about Romney’s dog and struggling to explain why she does so. By the way: Does Lady Collins ever know what the fangando she’s talking about? Last week, she appeared on the Diane Rehm show to discuss her new book about William Henry Harrison, who served in the White House for roughly one month. (Leave it to Collins to write a book about our shortest presidency! She must be the ultimate slckaer.) At one point, Collins tried to explain, for the three hundredth time, why she keeps typing that dumb as shit tale about Romney’s dog, like a modern-day Lady Macbeth.

Collins explained her favorite novel. In line with the culture of her failed class, her basic facts seemed to be wrong:
REHM (1/23/12): Well, somebody has sent a Tweet asking whether Harrison strapped his dog to the top of his stagecoach. I thought you'd be amused by that, and you might just mention that story.

COLLINS: Well, this story, which has nothing to do with William Henry Harrison at all, was Mitt Romney, when he was raising his family, at one point was taking the whole family, and it included four children—five children—to Canada for the summer and had this Irish setter. And put the Irish setter in a crate on the top of the station wagon and took him off with them to Canada driving down the highways with this poor dog on top of the car. There have been controversies as to whether the dog liked it or not. Mitt Romney claims the dog really enjoyed this.

But he got diarrhea while he was traveling so he couldn't have been that happy. And one of the kids confirmed this story to the Boston Globe that once this was obviously happening, the kids are looking out the back window going, “Whew, whew, whew.” He pulls off—although he only had designated rest stops that he would stop at— He pulled off at a non-designated rest stop, but kept everybody in the car. Jumped out, got a hose, hosed down the dog and the car, jumped back in the car and took back off down the highway, lest anyone get out and use an undesignated rest stop.

I can't believe if the dog was comfortable before he was not comfortable, I'm sure, after he'd been hosed down. But anyway I just love this story. The story of Seamus, the Irish setter, on the roof of the car and Mitt Romney. And I try to bring it up whenever possible.

REHM: And that is the voice of Gail Collins. Her new book is titled "William Henry Harrison.”
"There have been controversies as to whether the dog liked it or not?" Is Lady Collins five years old? To her credit, Rehm always acts like her guests are sane, even at moments like this. (In October 2000, she extended that courtesy to us.)

Collins’ remarks about “William Henry” were almost as batty as those about Seamus. Just for fun, we’ll plan to discuss those remarks this weekend. But as Collins recounted the pointless story she has typed more than thirty times, she baldly misstated the facts of the case as they appeared in that Boston Globe profile. Romney “kept everyone in the car?” He “jumped back in the car and took back off down the highway, lest anyone get out and use an undesignated rest stop?” Sorry. The Globe report seems to say the opposite—and yet, Collins has typed this tale about three dozen times, sometimes explaining that she does so because it illustrates Candidate Romney’s obsessive need for control. (Not that a reader would have any way of knowing that from the way she shorthands the story.)

She doesn’t tell us about his proposals. She doesn’t discuss his conduct at Bain. Instead, Collins keeps typing this stupid shit story—and when she’s finally asked to explain, she misstates the basic facts, which were pointless to begin with.

Collins is virtually out of her mind—but you live in a culture which can’t see that fact. Then too, here’s her floundering successor, late in today’s editorial:
NEW YORK TIMES EDITORIAL (2/1/12): The Obama administration says it is supportive of Mr. Whitehouse’s bill but still wants to see other changes in the tax code, such as using limits on itemized deductions for the highest earners to generate more tax revenue.

Both approaches would be good starts toward making the rich pay a fairer share and reduce the mounting cuts to government programs that benefit the less fortunate. But they are only the beginning. Sound tax policy calls for raising the capital gains tax, which, at 15 percent, is the lowest since the Great Depression.

That rate is scheduled to go up to as much as 25 percent next year, but it will eventually need to rise to the level of ordinary income. Doing so would bring in $45 billion a year more than the Buffett Rule by 2014, according to Citizens for Tax Justice. Having a separate rate not only perpetuates income inequality, it also creates vast tax avoidance schemes. It is also important that the Bush tax cuts expire for all tax brackets at the end of this year.
Good grief! In that single highlighted sentence, Rosenthal makes a gigantic proposal. Has the New York Times ever proposed letting all the Bush tax rates expire? Here at THE HOWLER, we’ve begged and pleaded for a discussion of that sweeping idea, which no major figure in either party supports. Has the Times ever made this proposal before? We can’t find such an editorial in a quick search, though such a proposal is a bit hard to search for. We do think that we would have noticed if the Times had ever done such a thing—but this morning, Rosenthal makes this sweeping proposal in a single throw-away sentence in his penultimate paragraph. (“Penultimate” means “next to last.”)

Has the Times ever made that proposal before? Do reader understand what it means? We don’t know, but in our brief search, we stumbled on this editorial from last September. Read it and weep for your failing national culture! Here's the way a hapless board described the Buffett Rule then:
NEW YORK TIMES EDITORIAL (9/22/11): President Obama has said that tax reform should follow the principle that no household making $1 million or more should pay a smaller share of its income in taxes than a middle-class family. Republicans say this is an act of “class warfare.” But it is clearly unjust to have a tax system that, today, allows 22,000 households earning more than $1 million to pay less than 15 percent of their income in federal income and payroll taxes—less than half of what a middle-class family pays.
“Less than half of what a middle-class family pays!” This is precisely the bungled notion about which Leonhardt despaired.

Rosenthal’s new editorial is the work of a lazy mind. The New York Times is quite expert at handing us stupid novelized tales, but its staff is overmatched when it comes to describing real affairs of the world. Indeed:

One day before Leonhardt wrote his piece, the New York Times tried to report the tax proposals of the GOP candidates.

Why are we the people so clueless, so deeply tangled in novelized piffle? Cooper and Kocieniewski tackled the case—and the Timesmen failed.

Tomorrow: What does incompetence look like?