The ongoing disintegration of our political culture!

FRIDAY, DECEMBER 16, 2011

Callista’s clothing and Romney’s religion—and his KKK ties: We the people are almost impossibly dumb—impossibly dumb and sometimes quite venal.

In many ways, these facts were hidden in the past. But the democratization of media have made these facts increasingly obvious. Three quick examples:

Callista’s clothes: Robin Givhan may be a good fashion writer; about that, we have no idea. The problem has always started when she writes about the clothing of politicians.

She used to churn this bilge for the Washington Post. Now, she offers her musings for the Daily Beast.

Click here for her latest report: “Newt Gingrich's Wife Callista's Prissy Style Problem.” (We think that headline is written in English.) A culture which keeps rewarding this bilge is impossibly dumb. Here’s a classic example:
GIVHAN (12/12/11): The unspoken rule of political style: do not tempt audiences into pondering how much mirror time one requires—or indulges in—on a daily basis. Already, media estimates have put Mrs. Gingrich’s hair-care time at anywhere from 45 to 90 minutes a day.

Callista made us do it! A culture which tolerates this bilge is just impossibly dumb.

Romney’s KKK ties: On Wednesday evening, it fell to Chris to voice the on-air apology. Just to be clear, he was apologizing for someone else’s pitiful work:
MATTHEWS (12/14/11): We’re back.

During the 11:00 a.m. hour on MSNBC today, we reported on a blog item that compared a phrase used by the Romney campaign to one used by the KKK way back in the 1920s. It was irresponsible and incendiary of us to do this, and it showed an appalling lack of judgment.

We apologize, we really do, to the Romney campaign.
For the full story, see this post by Brian Stelter. But here’s the key: Read the comments to see how impossibly dumb some folk have become on our side.

Chasing the Mormon:
We liberals like to cluck about the other tribe’s intolerance. Is it our imagination, or has our side begun to slide toward Mormon-bashing too?

After last weekend’s Republican debate, all the airheads clucked and wailed about Mitt Romney’s proffered bet. (It was the latest official distraction.) By Monday evening, Lawrence O’Donnell had started to toy with the Mormon too:
O’DONNELL (12/12/11): Do you know who else is not supposed to be in the betting business? Devout Mormon Mitt Romney. In the gospel topics section of the official Web site of the Mormon Church, the faithful are taught about gambling.

"The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints is opposed to gambling, including lotteries sponsored by governments. Gambling is motivated by a desire to get something for nothing. This desire is spiritually destructive. It leads participants away from the Savior's teachings of love and service and toward the selfishness of the adversary."

In other words, the devil wants to you gamble. God doesn’t.

The Mormon position against gambling is not a central tenet of the religion. It is a matter of policy rather than doctrine. There isn’t an emphatic prohibition on gambling the way there is on drinking alcohol or caffeine or smoking.

In their oral testimonies of their fidelity to the teachings of the church that Mormons must give to gain access to Mormon temples, gambling isn’t even on the church’s check-list for entrance to the temples. But Mormons have been told not to gamble repeatedly by the church's elders, and the current president of the Mormon church. And so, good Mormons don`t gamble. And Mitt Romney is a very good Mormon.

And so, in Utah, where there is still no state lottery, thanks to Mormon influence, ears popped on Saturday night when they heard Mitt Romney propose a bet on the Republican debate stage.

(BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)

ROMNEY: I’ll tell you what, 10,000 bucks, $10,000 bet?

PERRY: I’m not in the betting business.

(END VIDEO CLIP)

O’DONNELL: Rick Perry, a formidably religious Republican in his own right got that one debate answer right, both religiously and politically. That moment, though, left Mormons hoping that Romney was joking.

But joking about sin is actually not one of the richer veins of Mormon comedy. The only real sin Romney committed in that moment was political. The richest guy on the stage emphasizing that he could buy and sell everyone else on that stage, including the other rich guys on the stage, and thinking that should impress primary voters. The $10,000 bet will forever be enshrined in the presidential debate hall of shame.

Joining me now, Politico political senior writer Maggie Haberman. Also, Washington Post opinion writer Dana Milbank.
"The $10,000 bet will forever be enshrined in the presidential debate hall of shame?” In fact, it’s already been forgotten—but it did help Lawrence make it through the night.

O’Donnell constantly plays the fool; this night, he was also chasing the Mormon. But then, didn’t you catch a hint of the same old-fashioned, mob-based impulse in this post by Digby? Does Digby feel that she is required to think the same way her “forebears” did? Why then should the Mormon?

Your lizard brain will help you find ways to support these manifestations. But occasionally, we seem like very bad people. Beyond that, something else is becoming quite clear:

As a people, we’re almost impossibly dumb. This problem infests our political culture, from our elites on down.

NAEP VERSUS NEWT: Lawrence O'Donnell wept!

FRIDAY, DECEMBER 16, 2011

EPILOGUE—SKIP GATES AND THE TWO AMERICAS: Lawrence O’Donnell really cares about really poor children in really poor neighborhoods.

As long as they live in Malawi!

On Wednesday night, O’Donnell stopped his endless clowning about Donald Trump. He stopped his clowning long enough to deliver a lachrymose segment about his program’s “permanent cause.”

The segment ran a full nine minutes. It seemed like an outtake from About Schmidt—and no, we don’t mean that as a compliment.

The segment concerned O’Donnell’s great works. To watch the full segment, just click here. This is the way it started:
O’DONNELL (12/14/11): It was a year ago this week I told you about my trip to Malawi. You can see the video of that report on our website. I went there with the hope of providing desks for Malawi classrooms where most students had never seen a desk. By the time I arrived at Malawi I had learned enough about the scarcity of resources in the country that I actually didn’t think I was going to be able to provide any desks.

But then with invaluable guidance of UNICEF, I found a small woodworking shop that quickly hired extra workers to make 30 desks that I was able to pay for with cash in my pocket and deliver to one classroom in Malawi.

When I told you this story last year, I knew you would be moved to help, but I had no idea how generous you would be to the K.I.N.D. Fund, Kids in Need of Desks, a special partnership we established with MSNBC and UNICEF, specifically to deliver desks to African schools. You left me awestruck by, as of today, contributing over $2,413,999. That has allowed us to deliver 39,949 desks with over 5,000 more in the manufacturing pipeline that will be delivered soon.

“Kids in Need of Desks” is the permanent cause of this program. The need will surely outlive this program, as I explained to a group of public school students in Wyckoff, New Jersey.
At this point, viewers saw tape of O’Donnell proving that he is smarter than a group of Wyckoff third graders. On last evening’s Last Word, the onslaught continued, with O’Donnell reluctantly acknowledging his own vast moral greatness:
O’DONNELL (12/15/11): This isn’t going away. This is the permanent cause of the Last Word.

The deprivation level is so high in African classrooms that we will need to be delivering and building these desks for a long time to come.

And in another tweet, Jill Sclever said, “I will be donating tomorrow. Segment made me cry. Great work.”

Thanks, Jill. The segment made me cry, too. Luckily, not when I did it on the show last night, but the first time I tried to read it allowed after writing it, I couldn`t quite get through it. Had to cut a few lines here and there.

Just like the first time I tried to talk about this on television. It’s that kind of story.

But I’ve never felt like crying in Malawi, never when I’m with those kids.
Insert joke here about tears of a clown. At any rate, one fact is clear:

Lawrence O’Donnell loves really poor children. As long as they live in Malawi!

By the time O’Donnell finished last night’s segment, Sally Struthers was rolling her eyes over his saccharine self-affirmation. She shouldn’t have done such a thing, of course, and we scolded her for it. To state the obvious, kids in Malawi should have desks in their schools. (Though we don’t know when network news programs began adopting “permanent causes.”)

Kids in Malawi should have desks; nothing could be more obvious. But what about really poor kids in this country? O’Donnell will never waste your time with talk about them, or about their interests. Question: Have you ever seen Lawrence O’Donnell do a segment about American schools—about the schools which serve “really poor children in really poor neighborhoods” right here in this well-known country?

You did see him do that “Lean Forward” ad, in which he talked about low-income schools. This gave us rubes the false impression that he cares about such issues. But have you ever seen him do an actual segment—a news report—about the schools which serve really poor children near the street where he lives?

On each of the last two nights, you saw him do segments about public schools. But those segments concerned the schools of really poor kids in Malawi!

Does the relentlessly awful O’Donnell actually give a fig about really poor children here in this country? We’ve never seen a sign of such interest on his hour-long “news” show. Indeed, O’Donnell seems to avoid such really poor children in the way Isaac Newton avoided the plague. Example: When he traveled to deepest Wyckoff to talk down to that group of third-graders, he had been limousined to a township which is 0.6 percent black—a township where the median income is $154,000! Safely ensconced among his own kind, he urged the children to consider the interests of really poor children—as long as they live over there.

Later, he even admitted that he himself cries about the needs of those really poor children. As the great white host self-pimpingly said, “It’s that kind of a story.”

Viewers wrote to tell the great man that his Struthers act made them cry. Just a guess: They never asked themselves this question:

Since this is a "progressive" "news" program, why do we never see any segments about really poor kids over here?

Why don’t viewers see such segments? We can’t really answer that question. But MSNBC, the great liberal channel, never makes you waste your time on really poor kids from this country.

Newt Gingrich’s recent remarks about “really poor children in really poor neighborhoods” were dumb, bombastic and hyper-partisan in some of the ways which typify the work of their often-horrible author. But down through the years, Gingrich has actually spoken and thought about really poor children in really poor neighborhoods. Very few “liberals” ever do. For us, those children exist for one purpose only—to let us drop our R-bombs around when someone else dares to discuss them.

It’s the one play our tribe seems to have.

And so, verily, it came to pass last week: The NAEP released some new TUDA scores—and Lawrence O’Donnell yawned. His tears are reserved for poor kids over there. On the one true liberal channel, no one was asked to ponder the possible meaning of those new TUDA scores.

One young liberal tried to discuss them, and he predictably failed.

Manifestly, we liberals don’t care about really poor children. Rachel doesn’t give a sh*t; Lawrence doesn’t care either. What explains this vast disinterest? For what it’s worth, this vast disinterest lets the plutocrats spread their propaganda around—propaganda about our failing schools, our lousy kids, our lazy teachers, their demonic unions.

What explains this vast disinterest among these grotesquely self-impressed liberals? Let’s return to something Professor Gates said when he spoke with Amy Goodman:
GATES (1/8/04): Since that terrible day in 1968 when Dr. King was so brutally assassinated, the middle class segment of the African American community has almost quadrupled as a result of affirmative action, which is a wonderful thing. You think, boy, that’s what the civil rights movement was all about. That’s what Dr. King died for, that’s what he gave his life for. So many other people struggled for it.

But at the same time, and this is the kicker, the percentage of black children living at or beneath the poverty line is almost 40 percent, which is exactly what it was the day that Dr. King was killed. In other words, we have two nations within the African American community, the haves and the have-nots. Many of us thought that if the black middle class increased so dramatically, that that would spell the end of structural poverty for our community, at least in the disproportionate way that it manifests itself today. But that’s not what happened. Poverty remained constant while the middle class quadrupled. That’s a crisis. As Daniel Rose, the great philanthropist said in one of the segments of the TV series, that is the greatest single crisis affecting American society today.

So I did this series almost as an alarm bell, a wake-up call to say, we have come this far by faith, as the hymn goes, but we haven’t come far enough. And unless we do something drastic, unless we do something dramatic, never the twain shall meet between these classes within the African American community. The poor will be destined to perpetuate their own poverty and the middle class will be destined to continue its middle class status.
That was Professor Gates; not us, not Newt Gingrich. He was telling Amy Goodman that there are now “two nations” within black America. He said the middle-class black America was prospering, which was a very good thing. But he said the poverty class was languishing. Presumably, that includes a lot of really poor children who live in really poor neighborhoods.

Those NAEP scores keep suggesting that something good may be happening in these children’s schools. But inside the white progressive world, it’s plain that no one cares. You couldn’t get Rachel or Lawrence to talk about this if you threatened to take away their right to shower themselves with lavish praise. Yglesias tried to discuss this topic, but he didn’t seem to know how.

Simple story: Really poor children in really poor neighborhoods don’t exist in the “liberal” world. Again, you have those two Americas. The white progressive America doesn't care about the "really poor neighborhood" kind.

In the face of our vast disinterest, the corporate propaganda continues. Meanwhile, Lawrence weeps about really poor children.

Unless they live over here.

If you can’t afford to rent: If you can’t afford to rent About Schmidt, we strongly suggest that you watch O’Donnell’s segments about his own greatness—sorry, about those kids in Malawi. You will be watching the lachrymose work of a millionaire Hollywood clown.

Last night’s segment ran seven minutes; to share the greatness, just click here.

Later, Lawrence talked about his feelings in a shorter, post-show segment (click this). Once again, he broke a personal rule, admitting his own moral greatness:
O’DONNELL (12/15/11): For me, tonight’s show was all about the K.I.N.D. fund...It’s just all I care about in these shows. Whenever the K.I.N.D. fund is in the show, that’s all I care about. I’m not even thinking about the other segments in the show.
Lawrence went on to discuss the difficult moral decision he made—the decision to include his daughter in last evening's segment. By the way:

O’Donnell was “not even thinking about the other segments in the show?”

Several analysts turned to us at this point. They asked us, with their innocent eyes, what made this any different.

This just is: Mitt Romney said “zany!”

THURSDAY, DECEMBER 15, 2011

The real Gail Collins is back—and she’s citing Ashley Parker: Like you, we were concerned.

But in this morning’s column, Gail Collins put our concerns to rest. Quickly, she was up to old tricks. Just like that, the real Gail Collins was back:
COLLINS (12/15/11): Mitt Romney arrived in New York City on Wednesday, newly endorsed by Christine O’Donnell, who we have not seen since her not-a-witch race for the U.S. Senate. She praised Romney for having “been consistent since he changed his mind.” I so miss Christine O’Donnell.

Romney was in town to raise money. Iowa and New Hampshire get the love; we get the traffic jams. ’Twas ever thus. We’re not bitter, really.

However, he did sit down with The Times’s Jeff Zeleny and Ashley Parker to compare himself to Newt Gingrich. (The above-the-fray Mitt is so November.) “Zany is not what we need in a president,” he said.

I would say this is an extremely safe position for Romney to take because the odds are very good that no one has ever called Mitt zany in his entire life. Unless it was when he drove to Canada with the family dog strapped to the roof of the station wagon. (“Hey, Mister, you got an Irish setter on top of your car. What are you, zany or something?”)
We got to enjoy some good solid fun as Rome continued to burn. She started out with Christine O’Donnell, then cited the fatuous Ashley Parker. But then, it was on to Mitt Romney’s dog!

Last week, Collins didn’t mention Seamus at all—not in either one of her columns! It was only the second such week of the fall, not counting the week of October 27, when Collins was openly said to be “off.”

Today, though, the silly shit is back with a vengeance in Collins’ column. She focuses on the press corps’ latest craze—the fact that Romney said the word “zany” in his interview with Parker, Maureen Dowd’s former top researcher.

Within the madhouse still known as a “press corps,” Candidate Romney’s use of “zany” is the new $10,000 bet. Indeed, this latest piece of abject nonsense rules the front-page of this morning’s Times. In our hard-copy paper, these are the headlines sitting atop the featured front-page report:

SHIFTING TACTICS, ROMNEY ATTACKS SURGING GINGRICH
CALLS OPPONENT ‘ZANY’
Bracing for Rough Fight, He Questions if Rival Is Credible Choice
The report was written by Zeleny/Barbaro/Parker. The giants discuss the use of “zany” right in their opening graf.

“Zany” ruled much of cable last night. The life-forms wasted everyone’s time examining the somewhat archaic word choice. Collins fiddles around with this hottest new topic, then wisks us away to this:
COLLINS: Perhaps Romney was worried that all those even-keeled virtues sounded too much like Barack Obama, because he veered off into an attack on the current administration’s foreign policy failures. “When Honduras wanted to toss out their pro-Marxist president, our president stood with him,” he said.

O.K., two problems here. First of all, you can hardly talk about Iraq or Afghanistan without somebody announcing that all the country cares about is jobs, jobs, jobs. Where do you think a former diplomatic problem in Honduras currently stands on the average voter’s list of Things to Worry About?
In this passage, Collins exhibits a semi-standard play. When a candidate is interviewed by the Times, you select the most obscure thing he said, then complain about how obscure that particular statement was! We recalled Dowd’s reaction when Candidate Gore spoke to an extended collection of the life-forms in June 2000:
DOWD (6/14/00): The vice president spoke 1,565 words, really, really slowly, with glacial pauses between each word. He propounded and expounded for more than 15 minutes, touching on such diverse topics as the human genome, the ice-free future of the Arctic Ocean, the "Star Wars" journey, the climate of New York City, federal entitlements, the climate of Atlanta, embassy security, the climate of Illinois, Individual Development Accounts, the climate of Oklahoma and the state of the U.S. economy in 1835. But despite some prodding, he never did get around to answering.

He simply kept exhaustively not answering in that formal voice that sounds as though he has to guide his listeners by the hand, no matter how well they know the subject.

All . . . those . . . drawn . . . out . . . syllables . . . signifying . . . nothing . . . had . . . a . . . soporific . . . effect . . . on . . . me. But when I snapped back to attention, I hadn't missed a thing.

The vice president was apologizing for being long-winded and belaboring points, even as he continued to belabor long-winded points.
Darlings! Lady Dowd was just desperately bored! Indeed, she almost nodded off, a problem Lord Broder would confront a few months later. It was his reaction to a speech the nation loved, a speech which was termed a “home run.” See THE DAILY HOWLER, 12/13/11.

This is the way this small mafia works; it’s the way they’ve functioned for decades. Out on this morning’s page one, we were struck by the fact that Zeleny/Barbaro/Parker managed to discuss their interview with Romney without mentioning even one policy matter.

They care about hair and marriage and clothes. They care about deeply troubling bets. They care about slightly odd words like “zany.”

And darlings! They care about Seamus, Mitt Romney’s roof-strapped dog!

Visit our incomparable archives: For our original report on the suffering of Dowd, see THE DAILY HOWLER, 6/15/00.

Concerning the pain of the top one percent!

THURSDAY, DECEMBER 15, 2011

The New York Times offers some facts: No, it didn’t make the front page. The front page of the New York Times is reserved for Mitt Romney’s marriage and hair.

But in Tuesday’s New York Times, Jason DeParle offered an intriguing report about the pain of the top one percent. Things haven’t been going well for this group, a fact you may not have heard.

We don’t mean to direct our snark at DeParle, who compiled a fact-filled report. That said, the gentleman opened his piece with a counterintuitive fact:
DEPARLE (12/13/11): Top Earners Not So Lofty in the Days of Recession

Hold the condolence cards, but the recession cost the rich.

The share of income received by the top 1 percent—that potent symbol of inequality—dropped to 17 percent in 2009 from 23 percent in 2007, according to federal tax data. Within the group, average income fell to $957,000 in 2009 from $1.4 million in 2007.

Analysts say the drop largely reflects the stock market plunge, and most think top incomes recovered somewhat in 2010, as Wall Street rebounded and corporate profits grew. Still, the drop alters a figure often emphasized by inequality critics, and it has gone largely unnoticed outside the blogosphere.
Zounds! That’s a rather large drop over just two years, but we’ll assume the data are accurate. For us, the humor began when DeParle consulted one of the nation’s many brilliant professors:
DEPARLE (continuing directly): By focusing on the top 1 percent, the Occupy Wall Street movement has made economic fairness a subject of street protest and political debate.

“It’s very interesting that this has become such a big topic now when the numbers are back to where they were in the 1990s,” said Steven Kaplan, an economist at the University of Chicago’s business school. “People didn’t seem to be complaining about it then.”
If people weren’t complaining then, DeParle’s report plainly suggests that they should have been. In 1980, the top one percent were gobbling up ten percent of the nation’s income, DeParle reports. By the year 2000, the percentage had risen to 22 percent. If there’s a problem with that degree of inequality, people should have been complaining during the 1990s. Kaplan made a wonderful try, but we'd say his logic failed.

Is there a problem with that degree of inequality? The Times reserves its big news holes for analyses of friendship patterns among the Republican candidates. For that reason, DeParle got secondary billing (below the fold on page B1), and a limited number of words. If the Times had given this piece larger play, DeParle might have addressed two limitations of this report:

DeParle discusses the top one percent. But as Paul Krugman often notes, the real story involves a smaller cohort—the top one-tenth of the top one percent. That is where the big money goes. We would be curious about the way their income has slid.

Beyond that, the problem with this pattern involves more than income alone. The people who make the really big swag will sometimes use it to buy politicians. From a progressive standpoint, it’s a good idea to stress this part of the problem, which extends beyond the fact that some folk make much more than most.

Finally, we were struck by DeParle’s attempt to explain the growth in lucky-duck income. He listed quite a few alleged factors:
DEPARLE: [I]nequality has been growing for three decades, driven by economic and political forces. Globalization created larger markets for those with scarce talents but hurt less educated workers by pitting them against cheap foreign labor. New technology also hurt unskilled workers, by replacing many with machines.

Unions declined, eroding blue-collar bargaining power. The financial industry grew, with paydays heavily weighted toward the top. Corporate culture accepted the growing gap between the executive suite and the factory floor.

Falling tax rates on the highest earners added to the net income divide, by allowing top earners to keep more of their pay and increasing their incentive to maximize it.

In the decades after World War II, by contrast, the average income of the top 1 percent grew only marginally faster than inflation and significantly slower than middle-class incomes. That combination caused inequality to decline throughout much of the 1950, ’60s and early ’70s.
Why did the lucky duckies start to score so much swag in the past few decades? DeParle starts with several alleged factors which don’t seem to reflect anyone’s deliberate choices. Before long, though, he hits a few more interesting points, factors he doesn't explain. Why were “paydays heavily weighted toward the top?” Why did “corporate culture accept the growing gap between the executive suite and the factory floor?” And good grief:

If the lucky duckies were snorkeling in so much additional swag, why on earth did we also see “falling tax rates on the highest earners?” In our view, there is a fascinating cultural story here, the story told in the film Wall Street. That story is obscured in DeParle’s list of causes, which is ruled by some category errors.

That said, this was a fact-filled report. But it didn’t concern Romney’s marriage or hair or hisrecent use of "zany." For these reasons, it was buried below the fold on B1.

It didn’t run Ashley Parker length, with photos. You had to seek this one out.

NEWT VERSUS NAEP: The apparent progress of really poor children!

THURSDAY, DECEMBER 15, 2011

PART 4—ONE FACT IS BLATANTLY CLEAR: Last week, the liberal world railed at Newt Gingrich, in part because he said some things a million people had said before him. See THE DAILY HOWLER, 12/14/11.

Gingrich’s rather familiar remarks concerned “really poor children in really poor neighborhoods.” Thundering, roaring and posturing grandly, the mainstream and pseudo-liberal worlds pretended to be extremely disturbed by his Dickensian comments.

But uh-oh! That very same week, the National Assessment of Educational Progress released new data concerning urban school systems. These data concern the life prospects of really poor children in really poor neighborhoods.

The NAEP released a ream of new data—and the “liberal” world didn’t care! Over at Slate, Matt Yglesias did publish a short report about the data, although in our view he did a poor job teasing out the story they told (see THE DAILY HOWLER, 12/12/11). In fairness to Yglesias, he has no mentors or role models in his community who might help him know how to handle such data.

His spirit was willing, but his class background was weak. For the most part, the new data went unexplored, even in the Yglesias piece.

Today, let’s take a look at those new NAEP data, examining the story they seem to tell about the lives of really poor children. Once again, let’s start with Yglesias’ short report about those new test scores:
YGLESIAS (12/7/11): Today the latest round of Trial Urban District Assessment data about American school performance came out. On the reading front it showed no statistically significant change over the past two years in forth [sic] graders in any of the participating cities, and statistically significant (and positive) change for eighth graders in Charlotte while everyone else was insignificant. When you combine all the cities into a large sample, it shows a modest overall statistically significant improvement. In math we [sic] fourth graders improving in Atlanta, Austin, Baltimore, and Philadelphia and eighth graders improving in Atlanta, Charlotte, Chicago, Detroit, DC, and Louisville. There are no statistically significant declines anywhere.

I don't think you can draw any sweeping conclusions from this, but I do think it's worth laying it out there as a baseline. Most of the commentary I read about public education in America is very negative but to the best we can tell things are gradually improving even during a very difficult social and economic period for the country. The math gains in Atlanta seem especially noteworthy since a lot of attention has been paid to a big cheating scandal on the Georgia state tests. It looks, however, like that cheating was occurring against a background of real learning gains for the city's kids.

The thing I do worry about, however, is that lots of cities don't participate in TUDA!. [sic] Policy varies greatly across the participating cities, but one thing they have in common is that they all want to know how they're doing, which I think is the baseline beginning for improvement. But some very large school districts—most notably Clark County in Nevada, a bunch of non-Miami Florida districts, and Dallas, TX—seem to prefer to wallow in ignorance. There's really no excuse for this.
That was Yglesias’ full report, complete with at least three typos. When we liberals write about really poor children, we don’t seem to proof-read our work with great care. Our editors may not bother to read such tedious postings at all.

First, let’s look at the basic points Yglesias made. Then, let’s look at the data to which his piece links.

For starters, let’s consider what he said in his third, and final, paragraph.

Yglesias made an accurate if somewhat minor point in that closing paragraph, in which he discussed "the thing I do worry about." It's true: The NAEP’s so-called Trial Urban District Assessment does not present data from all the nation’s big urban school systems. By our count, only nine of the nation’s twenty largest cities are currently taking part in the project. That said, we have no idea why Yglesias singled out the non-participating cities he did. Dallas is a major non-participant, but Phoenix and San Antonio are larger by population; among non-participating Florida cities, only Jacksonville and Tampa seem to qualify for the project on the basis of size. Meanwhile, a long list of other big cities don’t take part in the study, including Las Vegas, which is part of Clark County, one of the nation’s largest school districts. Ranked by population, from the largest on down, these are the biggest cities which don’t take part in the project:

Phoenix, San Antonio, Dallas, San Jose, Jacksonville, Indianapolis, San Francisco, Columbus, Fort Worth, El Paso, Memphis, Seattle, Nashville, Denver, Portland (Oregon), Las Vegas, Oklahoma City. Also, among our “major-league” cities: Oakland, Kansas City, St. Louis, Pittsburgh, Oakland, Minneapolis, Cincinnati, New Orleans.

We don’t know the basis on which Yglesias selected the cities he cited, although there may be some such basis. But so it goes when liberal writers, deprived of mentors and working role models, write about topics like this.

That was a fairly minor point, although it ate a third of Yglesias’ report. His summary of the data to which he linked was vastly more significant. Yglesias focused on test score changes from 2009 to 2011, for forth (sic) and eighth grade students alike. Beyond that, he briefly considered the change which occurred “when you combine all the cities into a large sample,” although we think he is probably mis-describing the data he’s reviewing in that case. His basic judgment: “I don't think you can draw any sweeping conclusions from this, but I do think it's worth laying it out there as a baseline.” And this: “To the best we can tell things are gradually improving even during a very difficult social and economic period for the country.”

We agree with that first point. It’s hard to draw sweeping conclusions from data like these; it’s dangerous to draw such conclusions if you care about being right. But it’s especially hard to draw sweeping conclusions when we limit ourselves to a two-year span and focus on individual districts. These are the reading data to which Yglesias linked in his report; these are the corresponding math data. If you simply perform one or two more clicks in each instance, you come to some truly useful data tools. These data tools let us draw larger semi-conclusions about the state of progress being displayed by really poor children.

(For example: One more click from that math page takes us to this remarkably useful data tool, a tool which is swimming with data.)

How are really poor children in really poor neighborhoods doing on the NAEP? Ignore those district-by-district scores, which deal with relatively small, discrete populations. Instead, let’s focus on the nationwide data for various groups. On a national basis, how are black students doing? How about Hispanic kids? And wow! Those new data tools break low-income students down into two separate groups! We may be wrong, but we don’t think we’ve ever seen NAEP data do that before.

Let’s select a significant time span. Let’s see how various groups are doing, on a nationwide basis, in the eight years from 2003 through 2011. As we do, let’s recall that very rough rule of thumb: Ten points on the NAEP scale is often said to be roughly equal to one academic year:

Fourth grade math: According to those data, black fourth-graders gained eight points in math during that eight-year span. So did Hispanic fourth-graders. Kids receiving reduced-price lunch gained nine points during that span. (This includes children of all races and ethnicities.) Kids receiving free lunch (the “really poor children”) gained eight points too.

Fourth grade reading: Black fourth-graders gained eight points. Hispanic students gained six points. Reduced-price students gained seven points. Free lunch kids also gained seven.

Eighth grade math: Black eighth-graders gained ten points. Hispanic students gained eleven. Reduced-price kids gained ten points. Free lunch kids gained twelve.

Eighth grade reading: Black eighth graders gained four points. Hispanic students gained seven points. Reduced-price students gained five point. Free lunch kids gained seven.

To the extent that we trust that very rough rule of thumb, those are substantial score gains; some of the gains are just large. And again: Those are the gains displayed by national samples of these groups, based on the NAEP’s nationwide testing.

Please note: Free lunch kids, our “really poor children,” exhibited score gains too.

Children who receive free lunch are the poorest children on whom we have data. As you can see if you look at those data, they score lower in reading and math than the reduced-price students do; they score well below the kids who don’t get a price break at all. “Really poor children in really poor neighborhoods” don’t score as well as their more advantaged peers. But they seem to be making progress, although we’d like to see one of the nation’s handful of journalists interview major NAEP officials about those data—about the conclusions we might want to draw from those data, if we want to be careful and right.

Really poor children in really poor neighborhoods seem to be making progress. That said, one other fact is just blatantly clear:

The liberal world doesn’t care.

Tomorrow: Professor Gates said it, not us!

Is the New York Times as smart as a third grader in Finland?

WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 14, 2011

Welcome to the idiocracy, worship-of-Finland edition: Some may think we exaggerate about the New York Times’ terminal dumbness.

Sorry. On Tuesday, in the New York edition, the paper published its latest worship-of-Finland education report. Jenny Anderson wrote the piece—and no, we really aren’t making this up. This is the way she started:
ANDERSON (12/13/11): Pasi Sahlberg, a Finnish educator and author, had a simple question for the high school seniors he was speaking to one morning last week in Manhattan: “Who here wants to be a teacher?”

Out of a class of 15, two hands went up—one a little reluctantly.

“In my country, that would be 25 percent of people,” Dr. Sahlberg said. “And,” he added, thrusting his hand in the air with enthusiasm, “it would be more like this.”
Welcome to the idiocracy! What more can we say?

Let’s make sure we understand the innumeracy put on display here:

Sahlberg asked a group of fifteen students if they want to be teachers. Two of the fifteen said they did; that works out to 13.3 percent. (Never mind how we got that.) In Finland, 25 percent would have raised their hands, Sahlberg savvily said.

By all accounts, teaching is a higher prestige job in Finland than in the U.S. But Sahlberg was working with an “N” of 15; that is a very small number. Only a highly innumerate person draws conclusions from “samples” like this.

But so what! In the innumerate New York Times, this formed the opening hook. Anderson’s editor didn’t seem to see that this didn’t make much sense, especially in a report about basic reading and math skills.

Finland has scored very well on international tests. For this reason, a long list of people have said unintelligent things about the Finnish public school miracle. Finland may do many things well in its schools; it may do many things very well. But to her credit, Anderson managed to cite a few of the problems with comparing the Finnish experience to ours:
ANDERSON: Critics say that Finland is an irrelevant laboratory for the United States. It has a tiny economy, a low poverty rate, a homogenous population—5 percent are foreign-born—and socialist underpinnings (speeding tickets are calculated according to income).

Its school system has roughly the same number of teachers as New York City’s but far fewer students, 600,000 compared with New York’s 1.1 million. Finnish students speak Finnish and Swedish and usually English. (Patrick F. Bassett, head of the Washington-based National Association of Independent Schools, a fan of what Finland has been doing, said one of the things he learned on his own pilgrimage to Finland was that the average resident checks out 17 books a year from the library.)

“There are things they do right,” said Mark S. Schneider, vice president of the American Institutes for Research, “but I’m not sure how many lessons we get are portable.” Frederick M. Hess, director of education policy studies at the American Enterprise Institute, said Finlandophilia was “totally deified” and “blown out of proportion.”
Finland isn’t like the U.S.! It’s a middle-class, homogeneous nation; its schools don’t face a lot of the educational challenges our schools confront over here. And oh by the way: At no point did Anderson make any attempt to compare apples to apples. If we compare middle-class kids in each of the countries, how well does the U.S. do as compared to Finland?

Given the differences in the cultures, almost anyone would wonder. Last Friday, David Sirota became the latest progressive to suggest that American students stack up quite well in this kind of comparison (see THE DAILY HOWLER, 12/12/11). But sadly, this is the New York Times. It didn’t occur to Anderson, or to her editor, to seek out such data.

The Times is almost impossibly dumb, a fact it puts on display every day. Increasingly, so are various U.S. elites. The U.S. is sinking beneath the waves.

The Times helps show us the problem.

For what it's worth: For what it's worth, it's our impression that Sirota put an overly rosy glow on the performance of non-poverty U.S. students. But he didn't link to any data. It didn't seem to occur to Anderson that she might do such a thing.

This is the way elites now work, failing America-style.

Plan B: We’re just guessing!

WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 14, 2011

Perhaps she was “biden” her time: Last week, we puzzled over the way Rachel Maddow downplayed the Plan B flap. See THE DAILY HOWLER, 12/12/11.

Why did Maddow bury this story? Last night, did we possibly get our answer right at the start of the program?
MADDOW (12/13/11): And thanks to you at home for staying with us the next hour.

We’re coming to you from Washington tonight because the interview tonight is with the vice president. The vice president. The vice president of the United States! That’s coming up this hour. Very excited to bring that to you.
Is that why Maddow buried Plan B? Like you, we have no idea.

Debate questions: Fighting the demons of boredom!

WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 14, 2011

Diane keeps the press corps awake: Midway through Saturday night’s debate, Diane Sawyer fought the boredom with this question—the kind which makes the tired blood course through a pseudo-journalist’s veins:
SAWYER (12/10/11): We have a question on Yahoo about the last time those of you had a personal financial strain that forced you to cut back on a necessity, as so many people in the middle class say they do. What were the consequences you're, you faced and will you weigh in on that? And that's when we come back.

(COMMERCIAL BREAK)

“Many of us are forced to make cuts to continue necessities such as mortgage payments, groceries, transportation to work and health care.” And then the question continues.

They want to know, when is the last time you had a personal financial strain that forced you not only to give up a luxury, but also to cut back on a necessity? And what were the consequences you faced? This is from Andrew in Texas.
“As so many people in the middle class say they do!” Go ahead. You can chuckle a while!

It wasn’t Andrew’s fault in Texas that Diane chose to read his question. But now, all the hopefuls got to recall a time when they had it bad.

Needless to say, Ashley Parker perked up at this time.

In this morning’s New York Times, Maureen Dowd cites Newt’s three wives at three different points in her column—early, middle and late. Parker was once Dowd’s “research assistant.” In the current campaign, her job is to make the Dowdism creep all through the Times’ “news reporting.”

In recent weeks, Parker has done a front-page report about Mitt Romney’s hair. A few days later, she did a front-page report about candidate friendship patterns. (Yesterday, Michael Barbaro got the front page for a pseudo-report about Romney’s marriage.)

This morning, Parker gets all over Romney’s response to Sawyer’s “Yahoo” question. She doesn’t get today’s front page, but she gets three color photos—and she ends her ruminations in a familiar place:
PARKER (12/14/11): A day earlier, at a town hall in Hudson, N.H., when a voter asked Mr. Romney to share an experience that had helped change his perspective, he immediately turned to his time as a young missionary in France, living off a monthly stipend of $110.

“You’re not living high on the hog at that kind of level,” Mr. Romney said, before recounting how he and his fellow missionaries would sometimes pay a few francs to use a public shower once a week or rinse off in the kitchen with a bucket and a hose.

“A number of apartments I lived in when I was there didn’t have toilets,” he said. “We had instead the little pads on the ground. O.K., you know how that works. There was a chain behind you, it was kind of a bucket affair.”

The audience laughed at Mr. Romney’s response, which seemed geared toward tackling the central problem of his campaign: Forget about having a beer with him—the rub against Mr. Romney is that people just can’t quite get a read on him.
Romney went without toilets! Meanwhile, leave it to Parker to go to the “glass of beer” standard—and then beyond. Parker is there to dumb the world down, not unlike Sawyer before her.

An earlier break in the napping: Earlier in the debate, Stephanopoulos popped this question, snapping the "press corps" awake:
STEPHANOPOULOS (12/10/11): We are back. It has been a rocking debate so far. And we want to get to another issue that you all have talked about extensively in this campaign, and that is values, family, and faith.

Governor Romney and Governor Perry, you both made it a feature of ads you ran in Iowa this week, which leads to this question from our partners at The Des Moines Register. And I want to show it up on the screen.

"Should voters consider marital fidelity when making their choices for president?" And, Governor Perry, in South Carolina this week, you said this is an important issue. Why?
How poor were you? And while we're at it, how’s your fidelity?

Maybe George felt he had to work "blue." It was a Saturday night!

NAEP VERSUS NEWT: A familiar old story!

WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 14, 2011

PART 3—PROFESSOR GATES, SNARLING RACIST: In our view, Newt Gingrich is one of the least constructive politicians of the last several decades.

As a general matter, it isn’t a good idea to speculate about the mental health of public figures. But Jacob Weisberg recently wondered about Newt’s mental health—and it ain’t hard to see why.

Newt has said a lot of deeply unfortunate things through the years. He has said a lot of things which are amazingly ugly. Beyond that, he has said a lot of things which are dumb; some of his recent comments about “really poor children in really poor neighborhoods” might fit in that category. But much of what Newt recently said is, in fact, a very familiar old story—a familiar portrait of the plight confronting many of our country’s really poor children.

It was a very familiar old story—until Newt Gingrich told it. At that point, for unknown reasons, the familiar old tale became false.

Gingrich has been a horrible public figure—an apostle of tribal hatred. But then, we liberals behaved in similar ways when he made his recent remarks about the plight of really poor children—the kinds of children the liberal world rarely deigns to discuss.

Consider something Professor Gates said just a few years ago.

Professor Gates is of course Henry Louis Gates, a pillar of several communities. Back in 2004, he published “America Behind the Color Line: Dialogues with African Americans.” Inevitably, the book was accompanied by a four-part PBS documentary. And PBS is very high-minded, as all good liberals know.

Gates appeared on “Democracy Now” to discuss the project; the program is a pillar of the progressive community. He spoke with Amy Goodman, also a pillar. And uh-oh:

At one point, Gates described the plight of many really poor children in really poor neighborhoods. And omigod! When he did, he sounded a bit like Gingrich:
GATES (1/8/04): Precisely because of the success of affirmative action, our community has been fragmented. What do I mean by that? One of the most eloquent people I interviewed [for the book] was a prisoner in the Cook County jail. He called himself Eric, but he has another name. He said that when he was growing up, he did not see, when he was on his way to school, which he never made it to, he didn’t see, he says, a fireman going to work. He didn’t see a policeman going to work. He saw drug dealers. He saw people fighting and gangs.

Under segregation, curiously enough, we were all forced to live together. You might have a janitor living in this house, and a factory worker in this house, and next door would be an undertaker and next door would be a doctor and across the street would be a lawyer, and of course, everyone was surrounded by the teachers in the local school. The middle class had moved to the suburbs, or to other middle class communities, leaving behind what William Julius Wilson calls the underclass. So we are fragmented in a way that we have never been before, and that’s the tragic outcome of the civil rights movement and affirmative action.
Can Skip Gatessay these things? Citing William Julius Wilson, Gates described a very familiar landscape—the same social landscape Gingrich described when he made his Dickensian comments. “Really poor children in really poor neighborhoods” often lack certain types of role models, Professor Gates said. He said the situation has gotten worse since the black middle class was freed to move to suburban communities.

Surely, everyone has heard this story a million times by now. Surely, everyone has heard it said that many of our really poor children have no role models in their really poor neighborhoods—except the neighborhood’s drug dealers. Indeed, you don’t have to turn to an egghead like Gates to hear this amazingly common description. You could listen to Jay-Z, interviewed by Oprah:
WINFREY (10/09): Were the rappers in your neighborhood your role models?

JAY-Z: The drug dealers were my role models. Rappers weren't successful yet.

[…]

WINFREY: So tell me how you got into the drug dealing.

JAY-Z: It was natural—

WINFREY: Because drug dealers were your role models. There wasn’t a teacher or lawyer or nurse of doctor or an accountant in the neighborhood?

JAY-Z: Well, we were living in Marcy [Park] by then, so no. And if anyone did become something like that, they moved out. They never came back to share the wisdom of how they made it. If anyone made it, you never knew it. That’s why I’ve always said that if I become successful, I’d come back here, grab somebody, and show him how it can be done.

WINFREY: So you didn't have even one positive black role model?

JAY-Z: Just my mom. She worked two jobs and did whatever she had to do for us.

WINFREY: Did you aspire to be a drug dealer?

JAY-Z: Well, no. No one aspires to be a drug dealer. You don't want to bring trouble to your mother's door, even though that's what you're doing. You aspire to the lifestyle you see around you. You see the green BMW, the prettiest car you've ever seen. You see the trappings of drug dealing, and it draws you in.

WINFREY: How old were you when you got involved?

JAY-Z: Maybe 13.

WINFREY: Did you realize it could cost you your life?

JAY-Z: In my mind, that wasn't risking a lot. You think, "If I'm living like this, I'll risk anything to get more. What's the worst that could happen?”
Jay-Z’s mother “worked two jobs and did whatever she had to do for us.” But many really poor kids in really poor neighborhoods don’t have such a parent—or at least, that’s what Charles Blow wrote in the New York Times.

As you may recall, Blow presented data which showed that roughly two-thirds of really poor children in really poor neighborhoods don't live with a working parent (see THE DAILY HOWLER, 12/8/11). And yet, for some unknown reason, Blow seemed to think that his data contradicted the vile things Gingrich had said. At the always hapless Times, Blow’s column still appears beneath this puzzling synopsis:
Newt’s War on Poor Children
Gingrich says poor children do not have working parents as role models. He couldn’t be more wrong.
Blow saw the glass one-third full! And please note: Blow was specifically challenging Gingrich’s claims about the lack of working role models for many “really poor children in really poor neighborhoods.” In presenting these data, he wasn’t challenging Newt’s idea that such really poor children should be given opportunities to work. He was saying that really poor children do have “working parents as role models.”

Gingrich couldn’t be more wrong about this point, the Times synopsis still says. But Blow’s data said Gingrich was right; so did Gates and Jay-Z. So what explains the storm of reaction to Gingrich’s basic thesis?

The notion that really poor children may lack role models who work is so familiar that it might even qualify as shopworn. Over the years, we’ve heard high academics like Gates describe this social landscape; we’ve heard revered public figures like Colin Powell, who leads one of many programs to provide mentors to such young people. But the story is very familiar within the world of pop culture too; it has animated endless discussions involving well-known figures like Jay-Z and Oprah. And yet, when Gingrich told this familiar old story, the liberal world rose up in fury, insisting he had to be wrong. “Has he never heard of the working poor?” So our dumbest tribal players complained—everyone from Maureen Dowd on down.

“Has he not heard of the working poor?” this ultimate flyweight wrote in the Times. That said, Maureen Dowd is hapless—and she doesn’t care.

Presumably, Gingrich has heard of the working poor—but in this instance, he was talking about the non-working poor, just like Gates and Oprah before him. Normally, we pseudo-liberals like to complain about the way Bush cost so many such people their jobs. But when Gingrich spoke, we thundered as if people in really poor neighborhoods are currently burdened by too many jobs! On NPR’s Tell Me More, civil rights attorney Arsalan Iftikhar heroically called in the thunder:
IFTIKHAR (12/9/11): You know, based on his statements that, you know, kids today, you know, have no work habits and quote, "nobody around them works," I'd like him to go to downtown Detroit or the South Side of Chicago at 4:45 in the morning on a work day and try to get on a city bus. And, you know, look at the people who are working three to four jobs, single-parent households, you know, trying to keep their families afloat, pay the rent and get the groceries.

I mean this was—to me, it was the most patronizing statement from his lily white ivory tower that Newt Gingrich could have ever given.
There! That felt good! Suddenly, poor people all have three or four jobs, despite the giant rates of unemployment within the black community. And needless to say, Gingrich was a snarling racist—presumably unlike Gates and Oprah, who had said the same things when jobs were easier to get. Once again, please note a basic point:

Gingrich’s idea that really poor children should work wasn’t at issue in these remarks. Like Blow, Iftikhar was rejecting the notion that really poor children in really poor neighborhoods often lack working role models. That is ridiculous, Iftikhar said—just like Dowd before him.

Should really poor children work? Tomorrow, we’ll look at Michele Martin’s contrarian reaction, expressed on that same NPR program, of which she is the host. But for today, let’s ask a few basic questions: Why did Gates’ amazingly familiar description suddenly become so racist and wrong when it fell from Gingrich’s mouth? And why do none of these thundering people ever discuss those NAEP TUDA scores?

Uh-oh! In the same week when Blow and them thundered so hard, the NAEP released its new TUDA scores. Predictably, the liberal world couldn’t have cared any less. We didn’t discuss what those new data seem to show—except for Matt Yglesias at Slate, who discussed the data extremely poorly, much as a third-grader would have. It’s hard to avoid a basic thought: We liberals don’t give a flying fig about really poor children in really poor neighborhoods. If we did, we might discuss their interests once in a while.

For ourselves, we find this conduct repellent, disgusting. Your results may differ, of course. After all, they’re just black kids.

Who gives a fig about them?

Tomorrow: Martin on janitorial jobs—and Gates on two Americas

Foreign affairs: Trip Gabriel, bored out of his gourd!

TUESDAY, DECEMBER 13, 2011

Son of Broder-nods-off: Where on earth do they find these people?

Last night, Trip Gabriel was badly bored, like David Broder before him. In this morning’s New York Times, the scribe’s report of his own private Gethsemane starts off like this:
GABRIEL (12/13/11): If Newt Gingrich is the Republican nominee and President Obama accepts his famous challenge to seven three-hour Lincoln-Douglas-style debates, viewers might find them only on C-SPAN and should plan to have plenty of black coffee on hand.

At least that was one take-away from a two-man, unmoderated debate of a mere 90 minutes between Mr. Gingrich and Jon M. Huntsman Jr., who at one point, when asked if he had more to add, said, “I see my daughter nodding off, so let’s move on.”
Gabriel blamed it on Huntsman’s daughter, but it's pretty clear who was really on the verge of nodding off. You see, the Timesman was forced to sit on a chair and listen to ninety straight minutes of policy talk! No one talked about anyone’s marriage, the subject of a sprawling report on the front page of today’s Times.

No one talked about anyone’s hair. It was nothing but foreign policy talk! People! Here’s how bad things got before the torture ended:
GABRIEL: Other topics covered (and covered) included Iran, debt and military spending, the Arab Spring and Pakistan.

After an hour and a half, when the moderator offered the candidates a chance to hit the remaining five topics in a lightning round and they declined, the audience seemed to collectively sigh with relief.
Trip could tell how the audience felt. He knew he felt that way!

That’s the way Gabriel’s piece ends in the hard-copy Times. On-line, he added some silly shit about Donald Trump, thereby defeating the demons of narcolepsy. For the record, that jibe about topics being “covered (and covered)” does not appear in the on-line post. But there it is in the hard-copy paper, helping readers understand how trying this evening was.

Where in the world do they find these people? Wherever it is, the folk in that land are easily bored by talk about policy matters. Complaints about boring policy talk have become a staple of the upper-end “press corps.” The late David Broder made this format a standard when he rolled his eyes at Candidate Gore, who had bored him to tears at the 2000 Democratic Convention.

Broder almost nodded off too! For our money, this is one of the most remarkable passages in all of modern journalism:
BRODER (8/20/00): In tone and substance, Vice President Al Gore's acceptance speech on the final night of the Democratic National Convention was like nothing I have heard in 40 years of covering both parties' quadrennial gatherings.

Usually these acceptance speeches are attempts to take you to the mountaintop and show you the future. Gore's was more a request to step inside a seminar room, listen closely and take notes.

Never has a candidate provided more detailed information on his autobiography and the program initiatives he plans. One more paragraph and he would have been onto the budget of the Bureau of Indian Affairs.

[...]

He mentioned only three aspects of what was, in fact, a significant record in the House and Senate—his work on the environment, welfare reform and arms control.

But, my, how he went on about what he wants to do as president...


On some of the headline proposals—for Medicare prescription drug benefits or a patient's bill of rights—Gore humanized his presentation by pointing to specially invited families in the audience who would have benefited directly from the programs he is promoting. But I have to confess, my attention wandered as he went on through page after page of other swell ideas, and somewhere between hate crimes legislation and a crime victim's constitutional amendment, I almost nodded off.
Truly, that's just incredible. In the real world, Gore’s speech was a gigantic hit. Working with data from focus groups, Frank Luntz instantly hailed it as “a home run.” Over the next few days, it completely transformed the campaign’s polling.

Gore shot into a wide lead—and it held. One month later, the press corps had to invent new “lies” to bring him back to earth. But up in the press box, David Broder, dean of the press corps, had been bored right out of his gourd! Three days after Gore’s speech, he confessed that he almost nodded off, so bored had he been by the candidate’s “swell ideas.”

Broder was bored right out of his gourd. So was Trip, last night.

On page one, Michael Barbara babbles on today about the Romneys’ marriage. He has no idea what he’s talking about, or if the things he's saying are true. But so what! It makes for an enjoyable tale. Alleged singing by Romney gets discussed. It’s like something you might see on Bravo!

Wherever they go to find these people, they love discussing this shit.

How can a Timesman know this: Early on, Barbarao refers to "the Romneys' unblemished marriage of 42 years."

How can the savant know this?

NAEP VERSUS NEWT: Reigns of error!

TUESDAY, DECEMBER 13, 2011

PART 2—WHEN LIBERALS WRITE ABOUT SCHOOLS: When liberals write about public schools, bad things tend to happen.

Consider the terrible, horrible piece in yesterday’s New York Times. We read the piece in stupefaction as we rolled southbound on Amtrak.

A Duke professor and a former Times editor conspired in the long, rolling mess. For one small taste of their tolerance for illogic and error, consider this puzzling morsel:
LADD AND FISKE (12/12/11): Since they can’t take on poverty itself, education policy makers should try to provide poor students with the social support and experiences that middle-class students enjoy as a matter of course.

[...]

Other countries already pursue such strategies. In Finland, with its famously high-performing schools, schools provide food and free health care for students. Developmental needs are addressed early. Counseling services are abundant.

But in the United States over the past decade, it became fashionable among supporters of the “no excuses” approach to school improvement to accuse anyone raising the poverty issue of letting schools off the hook—or what Mr. Bush famously called “the soft bigotry of low expectations.”
Rapping the loathed No Child Left Behind, the writers praised those marvelous schools in Finland, which “provide food for students.” But good lord! In the same day’s New York Times, Michael Winerip noted a rather well-known fact: 46 percent of American students receive free or reduced-price lunch! Free or reduced-price breakfast is also served at wide swaths of American schools. (For one small suburban example, click here.) Indeed: Last year in Chicago, a flap blew up about all the instructional time being lost as the schools fed breakfast to students!

The foolishness was much more extensive in yesterday’s blowhard column. (We felt sorry for the parents who pay the tuition at Duke.) But Ladd and Fiske extended one key trope—a standard script which virtually defines modern writing about public schools.

This standard script comes in two lazy pieces:

First, Ladd and Fiske cited data from the so-called gold standard of American education testing. “Data from the National Assessment of Educational Progress show that more than 40 percent of the variation in average reading scores and 46 percent of the variation in average math scores across states is associated with variation in child poverty rates,” the writers thoughtfully wrote. Given the phrase “across states,” we'll guess that passage means something like this: Students in Massachusetts score better in math than students in Mississippi—and 46 percent of the difference “is associated with” the larger amount of poverty in the Magnolia State.

Whatever! As all such experts always do, the writers cited the National Assessment of Educational Progress—the NAEP—as the place to go for educational data. And then, without even batting an eye, they filled their horrible, no-good piece with silly-shit zingers like this:
LADD AND FISKE: But in the United States over the past decade, it became fashionable among supporters of the “no excuses” approach to school improvement to accuse anyone raising the poverty issue of letting schools off the hook—or what Mr. Bush famously called “the soft bigotry of low expectations.”

Such accusations may afford the illusion of a moral high ground, but they stand in the way of serious efforts to improve education and, for that matter, go a long way toward explaining why No Child Left Behind has not worked.
Has No Child Left Behind “worked” in some way? We have no idea; such things are very hard to measure, and no one much seems to be trying. But after citing the NAEP when it served their ends, the propagandists failed to tell us that NAEP scores by low-income children have risen substantially during the term of that much-maligned program. It may be that Ladd and Fiske are so clueless that they themselves don’t know this fact, a fact we’ll explore at the end of the week. (Did we mention the pity we feel for those misused Duke parents?) But then, Matt Yglesias didn’t observe this pattern in the new NAEP data to which he last week! (See THE DAILY HOWLER, 12/12/11.) Those new data include new break-outs for children who receive free lunch—and separately, for those who receive reduced-price lunch. Yglesias wasted his time on relatively petty concerns, failing to mention those new data—data which show our low-income students making substantial gains!

It is now the reliable norm when pseudo-liberals write about public schools. Data from the NAEP will be cited—but only when it lets us promote the gloomy tales we prefer, gloomy tales in which Bush has failed and nothing is right with the schools. On balance, of course, this promotes many corporatist tales: Those “government schools” can’t do anything right! Those lazy teachers should all be fired! They should all be replaced with those great Princeton kids! Why isn't Michelle Rhee in charge? But so what? For whatever reason, we the people never get told about the substantial rise in those NAEP scores. We never hear about the rise in test scores by black kids; the rise in test scores by Hispanic kids; the rise in test scores by kids who get free and/or reduced-price lunch.

Pseudo-liberals like Ladd and Fiske provide the low-IQ thunder and the New York Times gobbles it up. In the process, the country gets disinformed!

Ain’t idiocracy grand?

That’s what happens when pseudo-liberals write about public schools. This of course includes the schools which serve “really poor children in really poor neighborhoods.” But then, we liberals churned a similar bit of idiocracy concerning Newt Gingrich’s recent statements about those children—about the really poor children we liberals so widely ignore.

For the most part, we liberals said nothing at all when those new NAEP data emerged last week—new NAEP data concerning our nation’s urban schools. But lord god of hosts, how we thundered and roared when Gingrich dared to make remarks about some of the children attending such schools! For the most part, Newt’s remarks were really quite standard; tomorrow, we’ll show you some of the honored figures who have said similar things about “really poor children in really poor neighborhoods.”

Is Professor Gates a racist? Prepare to defnd your remarks.

For now, let’s focus on the silly-bill blather we in the liberal world churned about Newt, even as we ignored the NAEP, which we seem to find boring. Crackers! If there’s one thing we liberals know how to do, we know how to sing pleasing songs! Ladd and Fiske sang that No Child has failed—even as they ignored the way those NAEP test scores have soared. Similarly, everyone knew what to say about Newt! One description of his remarks was especially pleasing:

Trip Gabriel, New York Times, November 19: Mr. Gingrich, who back in 1994 proposed bringing back orphanages for children on welfare, was quickly labeled "Dickensian" by people commenting on Twitter.

Joan Walsh, The Ed Show, November 21: With Christmas coming, this guy is so Dickensian. He roots for Scrooge. He`s not going to wear well on the rest of the country.

Katrina vanden Heuvel, Twitter, November 23: Anyone seen Gingrich's Dickensian/cruel education idea: Fire school janitors & have kids do the work. Guess he wants return 2 child labor

John Nicholls, The Nation, December 2: Newt Gingrich is possessed of a Dickensian name, so perhaps it should come as no surprise that he seeks the presidency on a platform that seems to have been written by the unreformed Ebenezer Scrooge.

Charles Blow, New York Times, December 3: [Gingrich] comes across as a callous Dickensian character in his attitude toward America's most vulnerable—our poor children.

Maureen Dowd, New York Times, December 4: [Gingrich] expanded on Dickensian remarks he'd made recently at Harvard...

Michael Eric Dyson, The Ed Show, December 7: As president, Newt Gingrich says he’d lift those pesky child labor laws. Hey, let’s return to the time when Dickens was at his height!

Jim Hightower, syndicated column, December 9: The Newt recently called America's child labor laws "truly stupid," adding with Dickensian glee that he would fire school janitors and have low-income 9-year-olds do that work.

Gene Robinson, Washington Post, December 9: Do you imagine [Trump] wil read Gingrich his Dickensian quotes about child labor laws and ask him to explain which jobs are suitable for urchins and which are not?

Jimi Izrael, NPR, December 9: [Gingrich] has kind of gotten a lot of heat for his kind of Dickensian ideas about putting kids to work.

Clarence Page, syndicated column, December 11: The hit against child labor laws is novel even for Naughty Newt, although not his first display of a fascination with the child and family politics of the Charles Dickens era.

Jesse Jackson, Chicago Sun-Times, December 13: When critics said he would send America back to the age depicted by Dickens, Gingrich defended himself by sustaining the slander of the poor.

We liberals and pseudos are seldom at a loss for well-scripted words! Meanwhile, riddle us this:

Which of those people has ever told the public about those rising NAEP scores? Has Professor Dyson, for all his greatness, ever stooped to such a task? For all his thunder, do you think he knows? How about well-scripted Joan? Indeed, has any one of those fiery figures cared enough about “really poor children” to examine those gold standard data—the data our educational experts swear by, as long as the data can be used to tell us a gloomy tale?

Can we talk for a moment? We liberals are horrible people. We’re programmed within an inch of our lives. We have a tremendous tolerance for error, as long as the errors in question advance our tribe’s favored tales. Examples:

In response to Gingrich’s recent comments, we claimed he said that 9-year-olds could work as janitors. It felt very good when we made this claim. In truth, he didn’t say it.

Rachel said that Newt would take poor children out of class to do this work. Truth to tell, he didn’t say that either. (After that, the willful child turned to her feces and urine.)

Dyson and Schultz said that Newt would make these children work for free. Quite explicitly, Gingrich had said the opposite.

Does our side ever tell the truth? Even when we pretend to talk about the interests of really poor children? In fact, nothing stops the reigns of error our liberal leaders trail through the land. But then, these are horrible, terrible people. They don’t give a fig about really poor children. Few things could be more clear.

Last week, we liberals roared about Newt—and ignored the NAEP. In the process, we showed few signs of caring about really poor children. Tomorrow, we’ll show you a long list of honored figures who have said things remarkably similar to the things the awful Dickensian said.

Is Professor Gates a racist? Prepare to defend your remarks.

Tomorrow: What Professor Gates said

Coming Friday: What do these new NAEP scores show?

Plan B: Break it to us gently!

MONDAY, DECEMBER 12, 2011

Rachel Maddow seems to say the Iranians made us do it: Many progressives were upset by Obama’s stance on Plan B. Even the editors at the Washington Post said he made the wrong call (click this).

Many progressives were very upset—unless they watched the Maddow Show, where Rachel broke it to us gently. We’ve been beating up Maddow too much of late, but we thought this episode was worth noting.

Rachel likes to rant and yell when "those people" intrude on choice. What follows is her full report on the Plan B decision. It came at the end of Wednesday’s show, shoehorned into a three-part goulash. If you blinked, you missed it:
MADDOW (12/7/11): Meanwhile, elsewhere in politics, Rod Blagojevich, Democratic former governor of Illinois, was sentenced today to 14 years in federal prison being found guilty on 17 felony corruption charges. Blagojevich was impeached and removed from office in 2009, but in criminal court, among other bleeping outrages, the governor was convicted of trying to sell an appointment to the United States Senate seat that was vacated when then- Senator Barack Obama became President Obama.

Mr. Blagojevich is the fourth Illinois governor, the fourth one, to get sent to prison in the last 40 years.

And also, meanwhile, the Food and Drug Administration’s decision to make Plan B available over the counter without a prescription has been blocked by the secretary of health and human service, by Kathleen Sebelius. Plan B is an emergency contraception you take after sex to reduce the chance of pregnancy. Plan B is available now over the counter to women over the age of 17, but if you are younger than that you need a prescription.

Since you really ought to take this within a day or two, having to get a prescription for this effectively means you can’t really use it effectively at all.

The FDA wanted to change that. They say all reputable studies and experts agree that it is safe for Plan B to be available over-the-counter to anyone, but the Obama administration has blocked that recommendation today.


And meanwhile, meanwhile, you remember yesterday, we reported that the State Department had opened a new fake or rather online embassy in Iran? We do not have an actual physical embassy in Tehran because—well, for obvious reasons. But yesterday, as we reported on this show, the State Department launched a new English and Farsi language Web site so Iranians could get information about U.S. policies and about traveling to the United States, all the sorts of things that an embassy normally does when it exists in bricks and mortar. We were just going to do it online.

So finding out about the online embassy, that was yesterday. Launched yesterday. Today, that new virtual U.S. embassy Web site was blocked inside Iran. Shocker. Still though at least we are trying to.

That does it for us tonight. We will see you again tomorrow from back home in New York City.

Now, it is time for The Last Word with Lawrence O’Donnell. Have a great night.
As always, so wondrously cutesy with the "meanwhile meanwhile" stuff! At any rate, that was Maddow’s complete closing segment. You might have thought the Iranians made us do it, if you weren’t listening closely.

We’re not saying Maddow was wrong to play it this way. We’re just saying.

Absolutely fatuous: Son of Bush-checks-his-watch!

MONDAY, DECEMBER 12, 2011

Candidate Romney’s huge mistake and other points of distraction:
The GOP hopefuls debated this weekend. And, according to CNN’s Candy Crowley, Candidate Romney made a huge mistake!

On Sunday, Crowley interviewed two candidate flacks on State of the Union—one for Romney, one for Gingrich. This was her very first question about the great debate:
CROWLEY (12/11/11): Joining me now from Manchester, New Hampshire, John Sununu, former governor of New Hampshire and a supporter of Mitt Romney. And here in Washington, Bob Walker, a former U.S. congressman who is advising the Gingrich campaign.

Gentlemen, thank you both for being here. If only because the calendar is closing in on them and because the race still appears to be pretty fluid, it was quite the debate last night. The consensus seems to be, reading some of the analysis, that Newt Gingrich held his own and did very well and that Mitt Romney made a huge mistake.
Wow! Discussing—what else?—the consensus, Crowley said Romney had made a huge mistake! Had he bungled some major policy question? Actually, no! As Crowley proceeded, she played a bit of tape—and showed the world the way our “press corps” “thinks:”
CROWLEY (continuing directly): So I want to start out just by playing for our viewers something that happened last night in the debate between Rick Perry and Mitt Romney:

(begin video clip)

PERRY: I'm just saying, you were for individual mandates, my friend.

ROMNEY: You know what? You've raised that before, Rick. And you're simply wrong.

PERRY: It was true then. And it's true now.

ROMNEY: No. Rick, I'll tell you what, $10,000, $10,000 bet?

PERRY: I'm not in the betting business.

ROMNEY: Oh, OK. OK.

(end video clip)

CROWLEY: Governor Sununu, first to you. This is widely being interpreted as yet another example of Mitt Romney not totally being in touch with the American people. The Democrats are off and running with "what could you do with $10,000?" Your response.
You can tell Romney is out of touch because of the size of that bet! This was Romney's "huge mistake!" He should have bet twenty dollars! On a lay-away plan!

For the record, there is no question that Romney’s comment was a huge mistake. Yesterday, the proffered bet was being discussed on every program we watched. As she continued, Crowley acknowledged that the focus was a bit daft, but she gave an accurate assessment of “the consensus” about the great debate. What made Crowley’s program stand out was the following fact: Both campaign spokesmen, and Crowley herself, admitted that this was basically stupid. This was Walker, the Gingrich flack, admitting how dumb this was:
CROWLEY: Congressman, on a scale of one to 10, how damaging is that kind of clip, which I can assure you is getting played all over the place?

WALKER: Well, the fact is that anything that comes out of these debates that ends up being carried in the way that this one is, is going to be harmful. But I agree with John Sununu that there needs to be a focus on the big issues, which is exactly where Newt Gingrich has been throughout this campaign.
What you just heard is the sound of a pol saying this whole thing is stupid. Crowley more or less agreed at various points in the discussion—after raising the "huge mistake" as her opening point of discussion.

That said, this is the way our “press corps” works with respect to debates. They search for some silly, low-IQ moment with which they can discuss the topics they most enjoy discussing. Why didn’t Dukakis punch Bernie Shaw? Why did George Bush look at his watch? Did you hear Gore sigh? (Here—we’ll jack up the volume!) Why wouldn’t McCain look at Obama?

Similar insipid stories are drawn from life on the trail. They could tell that Bush was out of touch because of that newfangled supermarket scanner. They could tell that Kerry was out of touch because he went windsurfing!

These are deeply fatuous life-forms. In the current case, will your lizard brain let you admit it?

Postscript: By the way, what did Romney say in his book? Candy Crowley made no attempt to address or settle that question!

Did Romney flip on the mandate? "The consensus seems to be" that nobody knows or cares!

NAEP VERSUS NEWT: The wages of not caring!

MONDAY, DECEMBER 12, 2011

PART 1—ARE WE SMARTER THAN THIRD GRADERS: A funny thing happened last week as we liberals thundered and roared about Newt Gingrich’s famous Dickensian comments.

Newt had made outrageous remarks about “really poor children in really poor neighborhoods.” But as we hammered Newt for his comments, the National Assessment of Educational Progress (the NAEP) released its new TUDA scores.

What the Sam Hill is the TUDA? It’s the NAEP’s “Trial Urban District Assessment,” a program which records the work of 21 urban school systems. Participating systems include New York, Los Angeles, Houston, Chicago—and DC, Baltimore, Cleveland, Detroit.

Many of our “really poor children in really poor neighborhoods” attend public schools in these large school systems. If you’re a really poor child in a really poor neighborhood, you may be part of this study.

At Slate, Matt Yglesias discussed these new TUDA data, to his substantial credit. But if the spirit was willing, the flesh was not. This was his full post:
YGLESIAS (12/7/11): Today the latest round of Trial Urban District Assessment data about American school performance came out. On the reading front it showed no statistically significant change over the past two years in forth [sic] graders in any of the participating cities, and statistically significant (and positive) change for eighth graders in Charlotte while everyone else was insignificant. When you combine all the cities into a large sample, it shows a modest overall statistically significant improvement. In math we [sic] fourth graders improving in Atlanta, Austin, Baltimore, and Philadelphia and eighth graders improving in Atlanta, Charlotte, Chicago, Detroit, DC, and Louisville. There are no statistically significant declines anywhere.

I don't think you can draw any sweeping conclusions from this, but I do think it's worth laying it out there as a baseline. Most of the commentary I read about public education in America is very negative but to the best we can tell things are gradually improving even during a very difficult social and economic period for the country. The math gains in Atlanta seem especially noteworthy since a lot of attention has been paid to a big cheating scandal on the Georgia state tests. It looks, however, like that cheating was occurring against a background of real learning gains for the city's kids.

The thing I do worry about, however, is that lots of cities don't participate in TUDA!. [sic] Policy varies greatly across the participating cities, but one thing they have in common is that they all want to know how they're doing, which I think is the baseline beginning for improvement. But some very large school districts—most notably Clark County in Nevada, a bunch of non-Miami Florida districts, and Dallas, TX—seem to prefer to wallow in ignorance. There's really no excuse for this.
Let’s restate our initial point. In a world where liberals pay little attention to low-income schools, Yglesias (and Slate) get credit for discussing these new TUDA data. On the other hand, that post was quite underwhelming.

Yglesias has been hired by Slate to write about “Business and Economics.” He may be highly knowledgeable in many relevant areas. (We’re sure he knows more than we do about quite a few such topics.) But when it comes to urban schools, we’d have to say he shows little facility, background or skill. There was little a reader could learn from his post. And he missed some truly striking stories in the data to which he linked.

Yglesias’ post was quite unimpressive. So was his post from a few days before, in which he discussed the latest NAEP scores from the DC system. (Title: “Is School Choice Failing DC?”) But then, consider what happened last Friday when David Sirota wrote about public schools at Salon. Sirota started his column with two underwhelming assertions:
SIROTA (12/9/11): As 2011 draws to a close, we can confidently declare that one of the biggest debates over education is—mercifully—resolved. We may not have addressed all the huge challenges facing our schools, but we finally have empirical data ruling out apocryphal theories and exposing the fundamental problems.

We’ve learned, for instance, that our entire education system is not “in crisis,” as so many executives in the for-profit education industry insist when pushing to privatize public schools. On the contrary, results from Program for International Student Assessment exams show that American students in low-poverty schools are among the highest achieving students in the world.

We’ve also learned that no matter how much self-styled education "reformers" claim otherwise, the always-demonized teachers unions are not holding our education system back. As the New York Times recently noted: “If unions are the primary cause of bad schools, why isn’t labor’s pernicious effect” felt in the very unionized schools that so consistently graduate top students?
Have we learned that "our entire education system is not in crisis?” Sirota sets a very low bar with this first pronouncement. In the process, he says that an international test (the PISA) has shown that “American students in low-poverty schools are among the highest achieving students in the world,” but this is a very vague claim. What percentage of American students are we discussing? Where exactly do they fall among those highest achieving students? We’ve seen similar claims in the past, but we don’t recall where those American students fall in that spectrum—and Sirota didn’t attempt to say, or provide a link. For what it’s worth, Sirota says nothing about achievement or achievement gains in our low-income schools.

Second, have we learned that “the always-demonized teachers unions are not holding our education system back?” Sirota says he’s quoting “the New York Times;” in fact, he quoting a book review in which Sara Mosle, a former Teach for America teacher, made a deeply underwhelming presentation. Alas! When we liberals do discuss low-income schools, we are often willing to settle for this kind of piffle:
MOSLE (8/18/11): Also, if unions are the primary cause of bad schools, why isn’t labor’s pernicious effect similarly felt in many middle-class suburbs, like Pelham, N.Y., or Montclair, N.J., which have good schools—and strong unions?
To state the obvious, teachers unions are not “the primary cause of bad schools”—it isn’t clear that teachers unions are any kind of a problem at all. But Mosle’s presentation is highly underwhelming. In fact, Pelham and Montclair are upper-end suburbs, with average family incomes in the $120,000 range. No one is surprised when children do well in towns like these. A presentation like Mosle’s is easy to bat to the curb.

Is this really the best we liberals can do in this area? To their credit, Sirota and Yglesias broke the mold; they actually discussed low-income schools, the kinds of schools which may be serving “really poor children in really poor neighborhoods.” But the work in their pieces was weak. The inevitable question:

Are we smarter than third graders when it comes to low-income schools?

Before the week is done, we will return to those TUDA data, the fascinating data with which Yglesias struggled and brought forth a mouse. If you care about really poor children in really poor neighborhoods, you ought to care about the stories found within those data. Given the noise we made last week about Newt’s very bad remarks, you’d think we liberals would have spent the week poring over these data, drawing significant lessons from the stories they tell.

But Matt Yglesias has a problem, as other liberals do. He has come of age within a liberal culture which doesn’t care about really poor children. Among the writers with whom he cocoons, he has few role models who do any work in this area. He has seen few writers discuss NAEP scores. In his recent post for Slate, he floundered ahead with a type of data he doesn’t know how to discuss.

Sad but true: When it comes to the interests of low-income children, Yglesias lives in a "really poor neighborhood" too! When he looks around, he sees few people who are working in the interests of these children. It shouldn’t be surprising if he doesn’t know what to do with data like these—if he writes the underwhelming posts to which we have linked.

Yglesias may be quite sharp about many topics. But can we talk? Liberals thundered and roared last week about a topic we don’t care about! To our ear, Yglesias' post did sound like a third-grader’s work. But then, after decades of undisguised disinterest, this seems like the best we liberals can do—except when we parade about the land using really poor children as beards, as vehicles for praising ourselves for our own racial greatness.

We liberals thundered at Newt last week—and we ignored the latest NAEP scores! All week long, we’ll discuss these interwoven realms, comparing the size of our self-serving noise with the fruits of our giant disinterest.

Tomorrow: Who cares about basic facts?

Charles Krauthammer advances the war on really poor children and public school teachers!

SATURDAY, DECEMBER 10, 2011

Charles gets it amazingly wrong: Charles Krauthammer even made some valid complaints about Obama in his new column! In our view, the highlighted claim has actual merit:
KRAUTHAMMER (12/9/11): Yes, growing inequality is a problem throughout the Western world. But Obama’s pretense that it is the root cause of this sick economy is ridiculous.

As is his solution, that old perennial: selective abolition of the Bush tax cuts. As if all that ails us, all that keeps the economy from humming and the middle class from advancing, is a 4.6-point hike in marginal tax rates for the rich.

This, in a country $15 trillion in debt with out-of-control entitlements systematically starving every other national need. This obsession with a sock-it-to-the-rich tax hike that, at most, would have reduced this year’s deficit from $1.30 trillion to $1.22 trillion is the classic reflex of reactionary liberalism—anything to avoid addressing the underlying structural problems, which would require modernizing the totemic programs of the New Deal and Great Society.
Rhetorical thunder by Charles to the side, that limited tax hike really doesn’t go very far toward addressing the size of our current and projected deficits. We’d like to see liberals discuss the need for serious revenue gains.

Charles rarely advances a real complaint. To balance things off, he tossed in this remarkable howler:
KRAUTHAMMER: Where to begin? A country spending twice as much per capita on education as it did in 1970 with zero effect on test scores is not underinvesting in education. It’s mis-investing.
According to Charles, we have seen “zero effect on test scores” since 1970!

Where to begin? Perhaps here: It’s entirely possible that Charles doesn’t know what is wrong with that ludicrous claim. Our side never discusses the remarkable score gains by the low-income kids about whom we so plainly don’t care.

Everyone else ends up dis- and misinformed, believing the things Charles wrote. Good kids get no credit; their teachers get slimed. Ain’t liberal indifference grand?