Fighting words in the New York Times!

MONDAY, DECEMBER 19, 2016

John Nixon goes to Iraq:
We can't evaluate the content. But this morning's New York Times featured a fascinating book review by James Risen.

We'll call it "Nixon goes to Iraq." Risen reviews a new book by John Nixon, "the first C.I.A. officer to interrogate [Saddam] Hussein after his capture in December 2003."

This is a tale of Saddam Hussein the heavily disengaged novelist. It's also a tale of a CIA which is compared, in the end, to—

Well, we think we'll let you read it yourself. According to Risen, Nixon flays the basic competence of the modern CIA. From the journalistic perspective, it's interesting to see that these have become fighting words:
RISEN (12/19/16): Mr. Nixon thoughtfully argues that the C.I.A.’s overeagerness to please the White House has led to a serious degradation in the quality of its intelligence. Virtually the entire analytical arm of the C.I.A. is focused on quickly pumping out short memos on the issues of the day that are immediately read at the White House. But the agency has largely abandoned its tradition of freeing up analysts to engage in deeper, long-term research. As a result, Mr. Nixon writes, few analysts at the agency now know very much about anything. “Expertise is not valued, indeed not trusted.”

The C.I.A.’s brief memos have become like “crack cocaine for consumers of classified information,” Mr. Nixon says. It’s as if the C.I.A.’s analytical branch has been transformed from a college faculty into a cable news network.
Few analysts know much of anything. According to Risen, it's almost like the CIA has become cable news!

In 2003, Nixon went to Iraq. Thirteen years later, Risen read his account of what occurred, then delivered a brutal attack.

The public editor wallops the Times!

MONDAY, DECEMBER 19, 2016

We nitpick the public editor:
How many people of different "races" and ethnicities should a newspaper employ?

We don't know the answer to that. Beyond that, as a general matter, we tend to be a bit chary concerning arguments from hypocrisy.

That said, public editor Liz Spayd came out swinging yesterday morning at the New York Times. As she started, she blasted the Times 1) for displaying too little diversity and 2) for exhibiting too much hypocrisy:
SPAYD (12/18/16): Only two of the 20-plus reporters who covered the presidential campaign for The New York Times were black. None were Latino or Asian. That’s less diversity than you’ll find in Donald Trump’s cabinet thus far. Of The Times’s newly named White House team, all six are white, as is most everyone in the Washington bureau.

Traveling to other departments, Metro has only three Latinos among its 42 reporters, in a city with the second largest Hispanic population in the country. Sports has one Asian man, two Hispanics and no African-Americans among its 21 reporters, yet blacks are plentiful among the teams they cover and the audience they serve. In the Styles section, every writer is white, while American culture is anything but.

The executive editor, Dean Baquet, is African-American. The other editors on his masthead are white. The staff with the most diversity? The news assistants, who mostly do administrative jobs and get paid the least.

The Times can be relentless in questioning the diversity at other institutions; it has written about the white ranks of the technology sector, public schools, police departments, Oscar nominees, law firms, legislatures, the major leagues and the Ivy League. Fixing its own problems comes less easily.
Modest diversity, lots of hypocrisy? Plainly, that's what Spayd said.

In these opening grafs, Spayd described the level of diversity in what she later describes as some of the paper's most prestigious postings. A bit later, she offered overall diversity numbers. When she did, we thought something basic was missing:
SPAYD: Overall, newsroom diversity [at the Times] is at 22 percent, up slightly but below newsrooms in most big metropolitan areas. And of those who head departments here, only three are people of color.

[...]

When you ask managers about the issue individually, everyone genuinely seems to care. Collectively, however, not much changes.

They begin by saying this is an industrywide problem, not just a New York Times problem. That is true, unquestionably. On the other hand, it’s also true that data from the American Society of News Editors shows that The Times is less diverse than large papers like The Washington Post (31 percent), The Los Angeles Times (34 percent) and The Miami Herald (41 percent). The Times is more diverse than The Boston Globe (17 percent) and The Philadelphia Inquirer (14 percent).
For what it's worth, Spayd never defined what counts as "newsroom diversity." Most people would likely be able to guess, but such a significant term ought to be defined.

We were annoyed by a larger flaw at this point—by the failure to say what racial/ethnic diversity looks like nationwide.

How diverse must a newsroom be before it "looks like America?" According to the Census Bureau, the national numbers currently stand as shown below.

We mention this because no such data appear in Spayd's piece, and because erroneous data did appear in comments. For the record, it's easy to misunderstand Census data concerning race, since Hispanics also get classified as either black or white. These are the numbers which are relevant to Spayd's discussion:
U.S. population, 2015 estimate, Census Bureau
White: 61.6 percent
Hispanic: 17.6 percent
Black: 13.3 percent
Asian-American: 5.6 percent
American Indian/Native Alaskan: 1.2 percent
Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander: 0.2 percent
Multiracial: 2.6 percent
Some other race: 0.2 percent
Based on those data, the "diversity" of the general population stands at something like 38 percent. According to Spayd, the Times newsroom checks in at 22 percent.

Should the Times be more diverse? We can't answer that. We were struck by Spayd's second claim—her claim that the Times tends to lecture everyone else, applying standards it doesn't follow itself.

We haven't studied this matter. But that certainly sounds like the New York Times to us!

According to Spayd, the Times is a significant shirker, and a serious hypocrite, on matters of race and ethnicity. For ourselves, we were struck by this fleeting reference to something like social class:
SPAYD: I asked [executive editor Dean] Baquet what he believes minorities in the newsroom would say about his senior team’s dedication to diversity.

“I think they’d say we have a problem,” he said. “We’re not diverse enough. But I think they’d say I have a commitment to it and that it’s gotten better in the past year.” He added, “My effort to diversify has been intense and persistent.”

By that, Baquet particularly means the handful of prominent black journalists he’s helped attract or promote,
stars like Nikole Hannah-Jones, Wesley Morris and Jenna Wortham, all coveted by The Times’s competitors.

Their writing styles offer a refreshing break from The Times’s rather institutional voice, which—as one black editor put it to me—is older, white, male, Ivy League and authoritative. “That’s who The Times is at a dinner party,” she said.
We're not sure what that statement about the Times' "rather institutional voice" actually means.

As for the Ivy League reference, Morris prepped at Girard, then graduated from Yale. Hannah-Jones and Wortham are graduates of Notre Dame and UVa, schools which aren't technically Ivy League but are generally viewed as less than plebeian, perhaps as a bit Ivy-like.

Spayd's column appears in the Sunday Review. Yesterday, on that section's front page, Professor Dyson was sounding off about race as opposed to class. As is this professor's wont, he was beating up on Bernie Sanders for some statements the professor didn't quite bother to explain, elucidate or explore.

In the wake of last month's election, arguments have billowed up about the Democratic Party's attention, or lack of attention, to issues of social class, especially concerning the white working class. We'll discuss Dyson's piece tomorrow; we thought it was typically bumptious, weak and unhelpful.

As a general matter, we think the liberal world is a bit weak at this time in the general area of class. On the bright side, our contempt for The Others makes us feel good. But it helped elect Donald J. Trump, and this makes us feel bad.

For herself, Spayd appended this italicized note to the end of her report:
SPAYD: Note: This column explores The Times’s diversity crisis, primarily through race. Future columns will address the struggles to fix this issue, news coverage, the widening gender gap, and the limited geographic, religious and ideological diversity. Stay tuned.
We think that note was written in English. At one point, it seems to make a "category error." It never mentions any possible gain which might result from a newsroom which was more diverse from the standpoint of social class.

Aside from issues of race and ethnicity, is it possible that the Times might suffer from a bit of class myopia? We don't know the answer to that. Tomorrow, on to Professor Dyson!

YEAR(S) IN REVIEW: In the beginning was the end!

MONDAY, DECEMBER 19, 2016

Part 1—These Macedonian teens today:
"In the beginning was the end." We believe T.S. Eliot said that.

(Actually, he only said something like that. He said it in East Coker, one of the Four Quartets, after saying similar things in the preceding quartet, Burnt Norton. For today, let's agree not to quibble. You can fact-check here.)

"In the beginning was the end?" As we review this past crushing year, we're forced to reach a bone-crushing conclusion:

Eliot got it right!

November's election has sent our liberal world reeling. But as we review the press corps behaviors which helped produce this astounding result, it must be said that those behaviors all had deep roots in the past.

For that reason, our "Year in Review" reports this week will cover a set of years. When we pick our Worst Journalist of 2016, for example, we will rule that her worst reports of 2016 actually occurred last year!

When we pick our Worst News Org of 2016, we'll claim that its worst news report of 2016 may have occurred last year!

It goes on from there. When we pick our Most Consequential Journalistic Narrative of 2016, we'll find that it began in 1992. When we pick our Least Authentic Journalistic Cohort, we'll find that their behavior has also stretched back through all those years, even as we in the liberal masses agreed to avert our gaze from their conduct.

Tomorrow, we'll start our hardest-hitting reports. For today, let's just limber up a bit. Let's select the Silliest Scapegoat of the Year(s).

For Silliest Scapegoat of 2016, we're going to name These Macedonian Teens Today, what with the malicious "fake news" you'd think these damn kids invented!

It has to be one of the phoniest moral crusades of the year(s). In the weeks since November's election, the mainstream press corps has suddenly spilled with denunciations of the practice which has been named "fake news."

Make no mistake—"fake news" can be a destructive phenomenon. But just as fake as the fake news itself is the opprobrium which has emerged from the mainstream press concerning this troubling new practice.

The lunacy about Comet Pizza has sent the mainstream press corps over the edge. So have the revolting events in which a bunch of Macedonians teens were found to be inventing phony factual claims for fun and profit.

Just for the record, how widespread is the press corps' outrage about the invention of fake facts? So widespread that NBC News has even come out against it!

These Macedonian teens today! Everyone has agreed to agree that they mounted a massive, and apparently new, challenge to our sacred discourse.

In truth, it has been darkly amusing to watch our journalists stand in line to denounce "fake news"—and to give the impression that the practice is something new. Let's consider that one recent episode which has been described as "fake news." As we do, let's consider a similar example of "fake news" from the ignored and forgotten, disappeared past.

Question 1: Was Hillary Clinton running a child sex ring out of that pizza restaurant?

Actually no, she wasn't! Widespread claims to the contrary have now been dubbed "fake news."

Moving right along:

Question 2: Did Hillary Clinton and her husband conduct a string of murders in the 1990s, perhaps including the (non-murder) death of Vince Foster?

Actually no, they didn't! But instead of denouncing these disgraceful claims, the press corps turned a blind eye to their purveyors in real time and beyond.

You see, those purveyors of fake news included some powerful, well-known people. We think of Jerry Falwell and Rush Limbaugh first, but we'll name two more purveyors below.

Can you see the similarities between these two episodes? In the more recent episode, a bunch of idiots went on-line to create a vicious, idiotic tale about (imagined) child abuse.

In the earlier episode, a group of major cultural figures created and promulgated a vicious, idiotic tale about a string of (imagined) murders.

Can you see the similarities? Almost anyone could! That said, the newer episode is being denounced as "fake news." The other episode hung around for years—did so right into October of this year, as we'll note below.

Did the practice of "fake news" have its roots in the past? We'd have to say it did! Indeed, the promulgation of crazy claims about Clinton and Clinton has been a part of our news culture ever since Bill Clinton emerged on the national stage in 1992.

Many people believed those crazy, fake claims. Presumably, crazy belief in those crazy fake claims contributed to Clinton's defeat this year.

That said, the press corps has been giving the impression of late that this troubling "fake news" thing is just extremely new. A string of liberals have even jumped up to insist that we should maintain a narrow definition of "fake news," just so no one gets confused or gets the wrong sorts of ideas.

Those liberals are what we'd almost call useful journalists. In fairness, though, let's observe the differences between this year's "fake news" about child sex abuse and all those earlier fake claims about all those Clinton murders.

In what way were these episodes different? The best we can give you is this:

This year's "fake news" about Comet Pizza was spread on the Internet. Because there was no such medium in the 1990s, Jerry Falwell spread his fake claims about those murders by selling a videotape, The Clinton Chronicles.

In a similar vein, Limbaugh spread his insinuation about Vince Foster through the medium called "talk radio." We were actually listening that day!

Can you see how different the fake news of that era was, as compare to the fake news of this year? This year's fake claim was spread on the Net. Those earlier fake claims were pimped through different media.

Can you see how different this year's "fake news" was? We can't see a real difference either! What we do see is the reliably fraudulent behavior of the big stars of the mainstream press, supported by vassals a bit lower down on the career crystal stair.

Let's be clear. This year's fake news about that (imagined) child sex ring needed to be confronted. So, of course, did the earlier fake news about those (imagined) murders.

That said, in the beginning was the end! So much fake news has been spread for so long that this year's version apparently seemed convincing to a lot of gullible people.

Inevitably, that was due, in part, to the press corps' past refusal to challenge, analyze or examine widespread fake claims. How did the upper-end mainstream press continue that practice this year? Consider what the New York Times was doing right through the first week of October.

Of course! As the second Trump-Clinton debate approached, Donald J. Trump was lionizing Bill Clinton's past sex accusers.

Two of the more famous accusers were deeply sunk in the practice of selling the fake news about all those past murders. But as you'll recall, the press corps hadn't yet discovered "fake news" when they engaged in this conduct.

Result? The New York Times ran a front-page report on October 3 of this year rehabilitating these earlier purveyors of fake news. For perhaps the millionth time, Kathleen Willey and Gennifer Flowers were pimped to the public again.

Thanks to Megan Twohey and unnamed editors, readers weren't told about the ways those famous sex accusers had conspired to sell that earlier, ugly fake news.

Readers weren't allowed to ponder what this repulsive conduct might say about their general credibility, which the Times was now pimping again. If we might borrow from Eliot again, this is the way the world ends within our mainstream press corps.

The claim that Candidate Clinton was running kids out of a pizza point? That repulsive, stupid claim now qualifies as "fake news."

The claim that she murdered all those people? Right up through October 3, that claim apparently didn't! Willey and Flowers were vouched for again. We hate Macedonian teens today. We loved sex accusers back then!

In the beginning was the end! We'll explore this framework all week. For today, we'll offer this warning:

We liberals! The people we accept as our heroes have accepted this crap every step of the way. This November, the wages of their endless conduct helped bring electoral death.

In the beginning was the end? This year's horrible journalism stretches back through many years. To borrow from a Nobel laureate, as these practices took hold, our heroes "just stood there grinning!"

Tomorrow: Worst Journalist of the Year(s)

F-bombs and bar brawls by-the-sea!

SATURDAY, DECEMBER 17, 2016

Is this a film about race:
This past Thursday night, Anderson Cooper aired two worthwhile segments about white working-class Trump voters.

During the 8 o'clock hour, Martin Savidge reported from West Virginia coal country. During the 9 o'clock hour, Van Jones was back in Trumbull County, Ohio, exploring the view from the Rust Belt.

We thought those reports were valuable. Over here in our own liberal bubble, we're so eager to display our lack of racial bias that we sometimes race to display our class bias.

We offer sweeping generalizations about the (bad) motives of Those People in the white working class. Intellectually and politically, this is a dumb way to roll.

That said, we've spent a good chunk of the week thinking about a movie we saw last Sunday. The movie is Manchester by the Sea, which we largely found groan-inducing.

Many others have liked it a lot; reactions to films are like that. For ourselves, we bring some history to the film, and to the review of the film by the New York Times' A. O. Scott.

We're so old that we can remember when Manchester-by-the-Sea, Massachusetts went by a humbler name—plain old Manchester, Mass. In 1989, the name of the town was officially changed, first in a town meeting vote, then in an act by the Massachusetts legislature.

Way back when, we would go Manchester's famous Singing Sand Beach, whose actual name, we now learn, seems to be Singing Beach. Whatever! The widely-praised movie is named for this town, in which it was filmed.

Let's start with a point which either is or isn't irrelevant.

In real life, Manchester-by-the-Sea isn't a "working class fishing village," as the fictional town has been described in quite a few reviews. In real life, Manchester-by-the-Sea is an upscale North Shore community with a median family income of $143,750 (2010 census).

The real-life town is small and upscale. But to tell you the truth, that's pretty much the way the fictional town looks in the film. In the film, the town doesn't look like a fishing village, and it doesn't look working-class. That hasn't stopped reviewers from copying text from the film's press releases—from doing what they're told.

In the film, the town doesn't look working-class, but its characters act like they're working class, at least in Hollywood terms. That is to say, they shower one another with F-bombs as they live in their large, middle-class looking homes and prepare their middle-class looking children for college.

They also seem to punch other people whenever they enter a bar. No one seems to mind them doing this, and no one gets arrested. That seemed slightly odd to us.

Back on November 17, A. O. Scott reviewed the film for the New York Times. He gave it what seemed like a glowing review, but he didn't make it a "Critic's Pick." Also, his review may have ended slightly strangely.

In the last seven grafs of his lengthy review, Scott offered an analysis which gave some readers pause. He also said something with which we may not completely disagree. He seemed to say that the film is ripped from today's headlines, race and gender wise:
SCOTT (11/17/16): But "Manchester by the Sea" is not only about Lee and his family, and not only about their houses and boats and drinking habits and marriages. It is also about what all those things mean, and what kinds of sentimental and ideological value are attached to them. The movie takes up, indirectly and perhaps inadvertently but powerfully and unmistakably, a subject that has lately reinserted itself dramatically into American political discourse. It's a movie, that is, about the sorrows of white men.
Scott continued from there. "Maybe its sounds like I'm over-reading, or making an accusation," he eventually said. "But to deny that 'Manchester by the Sea' has a racial dimension is to underestimate its honesty and overlook its difficult relevance."

Does Manchester by the Sea "have a racial dimension?" Truth to tell, we're not entirely sure what Scott meant by that.

Scott went on for seven grafs exploring the film in terms of "the prerogatives of whiteness" and the nation's "myths of post-ethnic -class white identity." (That's the way that second phrase was punctuated, perhaps by a puzzled Times editor.)

To us, it isn't clear what point Scott was making. And uh-oh! As sometimes happens when we try too hard, he was soon saying this:
SCOTT: Cast out of this working man's paradise, [the Casey Affleck character] is also exiled from the prerogatives of whiteness. He lives in a basement room, earning minimum wage, answering to an African-American boss and accepting a tip from a black tenant whose toilet he has cleaned and repaired. He doesn't complain, but it is also clear that he has chosen these conditions as a form of self-abasement, as punishment for his sins.
Does the Affleck character see "answering to an African-American boss" as "a form of self-abasement?"

We saw no sign of that in the film. At least one commenter was unpleasant enough to wonder if that perspective had perhaps emanated from Scott's own racist head!

Is this film a study of race in some way? We'd have to say that Scott was stretching a bit. We don't think he established or even defined his point.

That said, we think this film could be said to "be about" class in more obvious ways. Let's start with a comment by a reader who, like us, didn't like this film much at all.

We didn't like Manchester by the Sea. We were surprised by how poor it seemed. We found it groan-inducing.

In part, that may be because we've seen lesser versions of the film's dysfunctions played out in real life, in those same accents no less. We don't think such turmoil is humorous, though this is alleged to be one of the film's many gifts.

An observer in Hollywood was underwhelmed too. We'll highlight one remark:
COMMENTER FROM HOLLYWOOD: You need to go into this movie with full foreknowledge of what happened in the past, the circumstances of the family, and the reasons for its dysfunction, no problem it seems for Mr. Scott. There's no love, or if there is, it must be in code. No setup, but lots of jumping-around-in-time confusion. How am I supposed to care about the one-expression anti-hero as victim, who seems to create his own "mistakes" leading to incredible misfortunes? The writer/director needs to sit down with a book about story story story, how to fuel ideas, and how to order scenes. The editor could have been a little more helpful in that regard. I did not believe a word of what I watched. I tried hard. Every sentence is uttered with a sprinkling of the f-word, even between family members, parents, children and friends. And btw, if that's how some parts of Boston society works, it's no wonder we're lost...
"I did not believe a word of what I watched?" We basically felt that way too.

More specifically, we didn't believe that that's the way families talk to each other. Let's narrow that down even further—we didn't believe the film's widely praised, interruption-based conversations came from lived experience.

It seemed to us that those conversations came out of somebody's head. It seemed to us that that's the way a writer believed that people in working-class villages talk.

As Scott whimsically notes, this widely praised film "is a product of the Damon-Affleck industrial complex." In films which emerge from that complex, Hollywood actors tend to fashion themselves as members of Boston's white working class.

We get our F-bombs; we see bar fights. We get to hear those accents. Hollywood actors' effete public images get toughened a bit in the balance. Is it possible that we're also getting sold a bill of goods—and perhaps a soupcon of class bias?

Like that commenter, we didn't believe what we saw in this film. We didn't believe that it came from real life. It seemed to us that it came out of Kenneth Lonergan's upscale Manhattan-based head.

Beyond that, it didn't seem to us that Lonergan actually cares about the people we saw in the film. Consider what Scott said on the Diane Rehm Show, explaining why he didn't pick Manchester by the Sea as one of the year's top ten.

Scott said he "has problems with the story." We'll guess we know what he meant:
SCOTT (12/12/16): I'm not quite as in love with "Manchester By the Sea" as a lot of other critics. I mean, I think that the—the writing is superb, the acting is superb. I have some problems with the story, actually. I mean, I think that there is a kind of melodramatic inflation of emotion. There's something that happens that I won't say, or that is revealed to have happened, that explains the state that the Casey Affleck character is in that—

I couldn't write about this in my review because it would be a spoiler but that I objected to, and tend to object to, when things like this happen in a story. So it was flawed for me...
What is Scott criticizing here? We're willing to guess it's this:

Midway through this film, the story turns on a major catastrophe. This catastrophe "explains the state that the Casey Affleck character is in."

This is a major catastrophe. We'll guess that Scott is objecting to the cheap-but-easy practice of building a story around such a gigantic event. Beyond that, though, we'll also say this:

The film ignores the catastrophes which are already happening, in two different families, before this operatic catastrophe occurs. In that sense, the film is built on an easy narrative hook, but it ignores the life which is on display before that hook appears.

Shortly before that catastrophe, we see another catastrophe even as it is occurring. Three children are sleeping in their rooms, or perhaps they're trying to sleep, as their mother and father loudly empty their bank of F-bombs on each other. Quite a few "A-holes" fly around too, delivered in Boston accents.

In another home, we see a child ushered upstairs as his mother lies half-naked and unconscious on the living room sofa. Kenneth Lonergan shows no sign of caring about these gruesome events, or about these children, with which and with whom he entertains us.

Who are the people in this film? Does the writer care? We were struck by the basic facts we never learned about these two families in the working class fishing village which looks like nothing of the sort:

What did the Affleck character do for a living before he became a janitor? What did his brother do for a living?

Were they commercial fishermen? Is this fact ever made clear?

To whom did that fishing boat belong? Was it used for commercial fishing, or was it just used for pleasure? Who exactly was that other guy? Little of this is made clear.

We also learn nothing about the women in this film. Why was the half-naked woman unconscious? Why was the other woman showering her husband with loud F-bombs with her children right upstairs?

Later in the film, we're rewarded with an excursion to the new home of the half-naked woman. She is now a stereotypical crackpot Christian, with a new husband who seems to be fashioned on the cruel, second-husband pastor in Fanny and Alexander, a film which does care about the children named in its title.

These crackpot Christians today! From the Little Boxes exterior of this couple's home to the ridiculous end of the portrait, we're treated to the standard put-down of the religious right. This is what lives inside Lonergan's head. The world would perhaps be a better place had he just left it there.

Catastrophes are being played out before the catastrophe occurs. Lonergan doesn't seem to care about the children involved, or about the women. Or even about the men!

That said, many people love Manchester by the Sea. In the Washington Post, Ann Hornaday ended her review like this:
HORNADAY (11/25/16): In case the point isn’t obvious by now, “Manchester by the Sea” is a tear-jerker, made all the more so by Lonergan’s steadfast unwillingness to indulge in tidy reversals of heart or convenient happy endings. In that way, this might be the most joy-inspiring movie of the year, proving that there’s still space in the cinematic universe for genuine compassion rather than cheesy uplift; rigorous honesty rather than pandering ma­nipu­la­tion. “Manchester by the Sea” is a film of surpassing beauty and heart. Even at its most melancholy depths, it brims with candid, earnest, indefatigable life.
We know Hornaday a tiny tad. We've loved her work ever since her glowing review of Blue Crush.

Still, we're puzzled by that reaction (which many people share). We don't have the slightest idea where the "joy" is by the end of this film. To our eye, another young person—he's now 16—is getting remarkably little help from the adults around him.

He deserves a lot more help, but he still seems to be surrounded by a lack of emotional "life." Along the way, though, we've seen a film which brims with F-bombs and bar brawls and truly awful dysfunction.

In our view, Scott was stretching when he tried to see this as a film about race. In the end, we wouldn't say that this is a film "about class."

That said, we liberals swim in a sea of class derision which we aren't inclined to challenge and aren't real skilled at seeing. In this film, the naked lady ends up a prude. We're invited to chortle.

F-bombs fly all around in the night as Daddy acts out in the basement. Why wasn't that a sufficient problem in this film-by-the-sea?

Estonia at the top of the world!

FRIDAY, DECEMBER 16, 2016

What propaganda looks like:
We've begun reviewing the 2015 Pisa scores. We may start to discuss them next week, or we may wait till the new year.

That said, we were struck by a familiar old point as we reread Amanda Ripley's December 8 news report in the New York Times.

Is this what propaganda looks like? Ripley was discussing some of the "handful of places" around the world which have "created brilliance," to borrow an earlier phrase:
RIPLEY (12/8/16): [A]ffluence is no guarantee of better results, particularly in science and math: The latest PISA data (which includes private-school students) shows that America’s most advantaged teenagers scored below their well-off peers in science in 20 other countries, including Canada and Britain.

The good news is that a handful of places, including Estonia, Canada, Denmark and Hong Kong, are proving that it is possible to do much better. These places now educate virtually all their children to higher levels of critical thinking in math, reading and science—and do so more equitably than Americans do.
It's clear now that Estonia has in fact been selected as "the new Finland." Much of what you read in mainstream reports is simply recycled script dictated by the Pisa honchos.

That said, tiny Estonia did score quite well on last year's Pisa. But so did a larger place of which you may have heard:

We refer to Massachusetts.

In population, Massachusetts is five times Estonia's size (6.8 million v. 1.3 million). For various reasons, its student population involves the kind of demographic challenges Estonia's pretty much doesn't.

Here's what you won't read in the Times. In science and reading, Massachusetts matched Estonia's scores. It fell short only in math. Estonia scored at the top of the world in science and reading—but so did Massachusetts.

(To access all scores, click here.)

When Massachusetts participated as an independent entity in the 2011 Timss, it scored near the top of the world in both science and math. In reading and science, it has now performed near the top of the world on the 2015 Pisa.

You won't read such things in the Times. The Times, which has now disappeared the Timss, seems to be giving you only such news as it's desirable for you to hear.

Massachusetts is bigger and closer to home. Except for reasons of propaganda, why can't the public be told?

Meanwhile, what's the story with Denmark: Denmark didn't score especially well on last year's Pisa at all. In reading and science, its scores are statistically indistinguishable from the United States as a whole.

It scored near the middle in science and reading, did somewhat better in math. What makes it one of that "handful of places?"

We have no idea. King Andreas said?

Brian slams Name Withheld's talking points!

FRIDAY, DECEMBER 16, 2016

Denounces them three nights later:
As we noted on Wednesday, Brian Williams got waylaid by former CIA Director James Woolsey on Monday evening's 11th Hour.

Woolsey is part of the Trump transition team. He produced a ton of gorilla dust during his solo interview segment with Brian.

Brian wanted to know if Donald J. Trump should stop contradicting the findings of the intelligence community. This was his perfectly sensible opening question to the perfectly ludicrous Woolsey:
WILLIAMS (12/12/16): Director Wooley, is the president-elect wrong to so openly dismiss the findings of his incoming intelligence community?
Woolsey proceeded to burn the entire segment with reams of misdirection. He kept saying there was no evidence that the Russians had hacked into any voting machines. As such, he was doggedly denying a claim no one had actually made.

Brian just say there and took it. To see him let Woolsey have his way, you should just click here.

That was Monday night. Three nights later, Brian struck.

Last night, he spoke with Michael McFaul, former U.S. ambassador to Russia. Midway through the interview, Brian finally pushed back, if a bit imprecisely:
WILLIAMS (12/15/16): Back to Mr. Putin, to the point you made about him. I'm sure you join us in being fascinated at the normalization effort by some this past week, the folks who are going out of their way to give him the benefit of the doubt.

We've had a former CIA director on this broadcast this week, we've had a Republican senator, both doing the same thing, and very similar talking points. Tell us about the Vladimir Putin you came to know.
Three nights later, Brian was pushing back against Woolsey's talking points. Except he didn't mention Woolsey's name or say what the talking points were.

He also didn't say what was wrong with the talking points. Most important, he didn't challenge Woolsey's gorilla dust when Woolsey was actually there.

To watch last night's interview with McFaul, just click here.

On Monday night, Williams let Woolsey eat him for lunch. Three nights later, grateful viewers were treated to a vague no-name rebuttal.

Concerning that Republican senator: The senator in question seems to have been Wisconsin's Ron Johnson. He appeared with Brian on Tuesday night.

To watch Johnson push his alleged talking points, you can just click here. That said, we'll have to be honest: to our ear, he didn't sound much like Woolsey.

We'd have to say that Brian's work with these worthies has been a bit weird this week. Maybe he was suffering flashbacks from one of his old firefights.

DRUM AND JONES—AND US: We love to loathe the white working class!

FRIDAY, DECEMBER 16, 2016

Say their name, Lilla prescribes:
We liberals!

We love to loathe the white working class. In the wake of last month's election, a person might even call this a bit of a fatal flaw.

"Sounding like a frustrated Cassandra," Vice President Biden lamented this tribal proclivity yesterday on CNN. The description comes from today's New York Times, which quotes part of what Biden said.

“I mean these are good people, man!” Biden is said to have exclaimed. “These aren’t racists. These aren’t sexists.”

Or so Biden said. We liberals tend to know different. For a recent example of what we mean, consider what Markos said. First, though, consider Sarah Kliff's detailed report for Vox.

Kliff spoke to several Trump voters who had managed to get health insurance through Obamacare. She reported from Corbin, Kentucky, part of Whitley County.

For many people, life in Corbin ain't no crystal stair. According to the American Community Survey, 22.8% of the population are living below the federal poverty level.

In Whitley County, the figure stands at 26.0%. That compares to the national figure of 15.5%.

Why would lower-income rustics cast those votes for Trump? Kliff spoke with Kathy Oller, who has spent the past three years "signing up fellow Kentuckians for Obamacare."

Oller did this as her full-time job, a job whose provenance Kliff never explained.

Why would someone insured through Obamacare vote for Candidate Trump? At one point, Oller described one woman's situation, which may have been fairly typical. Highly-evolved progressives like Markos don't seem to care about this:
KLIFF (12/13/16): Oller has traveled around Corbin enrolling residents in health care plans since the coverage expansion started in 2014. And lately, she says, she’s watched the plans get more and more expensive.

[...]

Oller renewed a 59-year-old woman’s coverage (who asked her personal information be left out of this story) just after lunchtime on a Tuesday. She and her husband received a monthly tax credit that would cover most of their premium. But they would still need to contribute $244 each month—and face a $6,000 deductible.

The woman said she had insurance before the Affordable Care Act that was significantly more affordable, with $5 copays and no deductible at all. She said she paid only $200 or $300 each month without a subsidy.

The deductible left her exasperated. “I am totally afraid to be sick,” she says. “I don’t have [that money] to pay upfront if I go to the hospital tomorrow.”

Her plan did offer free preventive care, an Obamacare mandate. But she skips mammograms and colonoscopies because she doesn’t think she’d have the money to pay for any follow-up care if the doctors did detect something.

The woman said she only buys insurance as financial protection—“to keep from losing my house if something major happened,” she says. “But I’m not using it to go to the doctor. I’ve not used anything.”

The woman was mad because her costs felt overwhelmingly expensive. These are some of the most common frustrations with the Affordable Care Act. Surveys show that high deductibles are the top complaint; 47 percent of enrollees told the Kaiser Family Foundation they were dissatisfied with their deductible.

A study from the Commonwealth Fund earlier this year found that four in 10 adults on Affordable Care Act plans didn’t think they could afford to go to the doctor if they got sick. Fewer than half said it was easy to find an affordable plan.
If we might borrow again from Dylan: But oh, what kind of health care is this which goes from bad to worse?

Oller was describing people who are paying for insurance each month but can't afford to see a doctor. We're relying here on Kliff's reporting and expertise. We don't have independent knowledge of the way the ACA works.

That said, this is the third time, in the past few weeks, that we've encountered working-class people offering such complaints. We heard the Colombian immigrant on Brian Lehrer's NPR program describing a similar problem faced by her sister. And when Van Jones went to Trumbull County, Ohio, lifelong Democrat Scott Seitz told him this:

"I think that [Obama] is a good man and he did all he could and we supported him for two elections. And then when those changes really didn't come about and Obamacare actually affected me personally with my own mother, I think we needed a change once again."

Obamacare affected him personally with his own mother? Seitz wasn't asked to explain. But when Kliff spoke to Oller, she was told about economically struggling people who have coverage under Obamacare but can't afford actual health care.

Because we loathe these people so much, this produces little sympathy from our most highly-evolved liberal stars. We liberals! We roll our eyes and wonder why these "idiots" voted for Trump.

In this piece for Salon, Gary Legum criticized those Corbin voters for their "selective hearing." In the process, he produced a world-class example of selective hearing himself.

(Note how quickly Legum skips past the problem we've just described.)

At one point, Legum linked to Markos, who had offered some uplifting thoughts about a related situation in Pennsylvania coal country. Why should We give a fig about Them? Thoughtful headline included:
MOULITSAS (12/12/16): Be happy for coal miners losing their health insurance. They're getting exactly what they voted for

Hillary Clinton won the election, but a system designed to let a powerful minority override the will of the majority selected some asshole. For now, we have to deal with that bullshit reality, and lots of good people will suffer serious consequences. But don’t feel sorry for the ones who enabled this nightmare by voting for the incoming Trump-Putin administration. For example, why should we weep for the retired coal miners who will now lose their health insurance thanks to the GOP majority—despite the best efforts of coal-state Democrats to change the outcome?

Yes, this will be a terrible outcome for a group of people who have really drawn a shitty lot in life. But how sorry should we be for this crowd? Coal country swung hard for Donald Trump, winning 70 to 80 percent of the vote in some of these counties.

Don’t weep for these coal miners, now abandoned by their GOP patrons. They are getting exactly the government that they voted for. Democrats can no longer offer unrequited love and cover for them. And isn’t this what democracy is all about? They won the election! This is what they wanted!
"This is what they wanted!" Increasingly, snark is Us.

People like Markos love to loathe "this crowd." As everyone seems to know except Us, this loathing has long been part of our liberal identity.

At the New Republic, Sarah Jones filed her report under this headline: "Liberals should try not having so much contempt for the poor."

After quoting part of what Markos had said, she cited Paul Krugman, who had responded to Kliff by saying, for the third time, that working-class people only "imagine" that we liberals look down on their kind. In a tweet which seemed to be about Kliff's report, Krugman had snarked a bit:

"People voted Trump to spite liberals who (they imagined) thought them ignorant, are now shocked that they may lose health care. Just saying."

Krugman was just saying! He should have less contempt for "the Joe Sixpacks," Jones was willing to say.

All this week, we've been asking a basic question. Is it possible that last month's election result reflects some possible shortcoming in Us? Is there some way we could improve our game?

During a kitschy CNN town hall program, Van Jones answered in the affirmative. Responding to one of Krugman's tweets, Kevin Drum acknowledged that of course we liberals do tend to sneer at the white working class.

Krugman doesn't seem to understand this; that's a remarkable fact about an invaluable policy maven. That said, Drum himself seemed to skip past the major way we liberals now sneer at the white working class. In comments, Drum's readers seemed to have no idea about the way this syndrome currently works.

How do we liberals sneer at Those People? Let's return to Van Jones.

When Van Jones went to Ohio, Seitz seemed to express a great deal of hostility toward Hillary Clinton. "She hurt us," Seitz said. He seemed to say that Clinton had completely ignored Ohio's white working class.

If only! We recalled what Clinton had said on that one self-defeating occasion:

"You know, to just be grossly generalistic, you could put half of Trump's supporters into what I call the basket of deplorables. Right? The racist, sexist, homophobic, xenophobic, Islamaphobic—you name it!...Now some of those folks—they are irredeemable, but thankfully they are not America."

Oof! Clinton went on to say that the other half of Trump's supporters aren't deplorables. But this was an amazingly impolitic thing to say.

Let's be fair. During a long campaign, every candidate says something dumb or unwise. The problem here isn't the fact that Candidate Clinton unwisely said this. The larger problem here is the fact that she may actually think this.

She may think that she's somehow able to make such sweeping assessments. But clearly, that's what multitudes think within our self-impressed tribe.

One again, let's be fair. In damning only half of Trump's voters, Clinton was being the softy. Again and again, we liberals seem to say that all Trump voters are in that first basket. We're filled with contempt for these people, much as Sarah Jones said.

Krugman keeps saying that The Others are just imagining this. Rolling his eyes at this foolishness, Drum said we sneer at The Others in a wide array of ways. But he didn't mention the sweeping way we bomb them as racists and bigots.

In comments, Drum's readers discussed these ideas. Almost no one seemed aware of the main way We trash Those People.

We trash them as racists and bigots—and, as commenters quickly showed, we also trash them as "idiots." Our loathing erodes our hearts and our minds. When we read about low-income women who can't afford to go to the doctor, we aren't able to understand the words we've just read.

Why should we care about people like Them? On the tuffet he has built, Markos wants to know this.

Shortly after Election Day, Professor Lilla wrote a lengthy piece for the New York Times' Sunday Review. We'll skip his wider-ranging thoughts to focus on one suggestion.

Lilla thinks the liberal world is sunk in "identity politics." You can assess those claims for yourself. We'll only recommend the one highlighted point:
LILLA (11/18/16): One of the many lessons of the recent presidential election campaign and its repugnant outcome is that the age of identity liberalism must be brought to an end. Hillary Clinton was at her best and most uplifting when she spoke about American interests in world affairs and how they relate to our understanding of democracy. But when it came to life at home, she tended on the campaign trail to lose that large vision and slip into the rhetoric of diversity, calling out explicitly to African-American, Latino, L.G.B.T. and women voters at every stop. This was a strategic mistake. If you are going to mention groups in America, you had better mention all of them. If you don't, those left out will notice and feel excluded. Which, as the data show, was exactly what happened with the white working class and those with strong religious convictions. Fully two-thirds of white voters without college degrees voted for Donald Trump, as did over 80 percent of white evangelicals.
If you mention one group, you need to mention them all! When Jones went to Ohio to speak with Seitz, Seitz complained that Candidate Clinton hadn't said his group's name.

Clinton had mentioned every group. Every group but his.

In this morning's New York Times, Tom Vilsack joins Biden in suggesting more outreach to the white working class. He says Democrats should advocate for blacks and for Hispanics. But he says we should also advocate for Them—for women in Colonel Sanders' home town who can't afford to go to the doctor.

Most of us don't know how to contemplate that. Stretching back perhaps fifty years, loathing for the white working class has been a key part of our game. This leaves us mocking those who were failed by our glorious, pissant health plan—the health plan in which we lazily failed to tackle the interests which have made American health care clownishly expensive as compared to that in the rest of the world.

We're too lazy and too dumb to kick up at The Interests. Instead, we kick down at low-income women who can't afford to go to the doctor. Given the fact that they voted for Trump, why should we care about them?

We agree with Vilsack, and with that one prescription by Lilla. Liberals should learn to say their name—also, to show less contempt.

Granted, our loathing makes us feel good. But how did it work out this time?

In which we recommend a new heart and mind!

THURSDAY, DECEMBER 15, 2016

She comes from way down there:
As we mentioned a few weeks back, southwest Virginia coal country is so far southwest that you're out somewhere beyond Oklahoma by the time you finally get there.

Long ago, we used to perform there, at the aptly-named Down the Shaft lounge in the Norton Holiday Inn. Just this afternoon, we're heartened to learn about a new voice who started out in that region.

Her name is Sarah Jones. She's at The New Republic.

We'll suggest that you start with this. This serves as the headline for the short piece:

"Liberals should try not having so much contempt for the poor."

How much more do you need to hear? We strongly suggest that you read it.

After that, we'll recommend her twitter feed. You can just click here.

In reading through those tweets, we learned that Krugman has fallen for the third time. Two days ago, he said it again. Those People "imagine" that we liberals look down on them!

How blind we liberals manage to be! Blind, helpless, natural-born losers.

More on these topics tomorrow: We'll go ahead and quote the other professor now:

"If you're going to mention groups in America, you'd better mention all of them."

DRUM AND JONES—AND US: Thinking hard about fast food!

THURSDAY, DECEMBER 15, 2016

Part 4—Drum lists the ways we sneer:
On December 9, Matt Yglesias was thinking hard about fast food.

Nothing he said was actually "wrong." But it led to a mindless debate.

More precisely, Yglesias was thinking hard about the politics of fast food. More specifically, he was talking about the politics of fast food in relation to those rude blokes, the white working class.

You see, Donald J. Trump had nominated a fast food baron to head the Department of Labor. To some sensibilities, this was the latest in a succession of nominations which have seemed a bit like a serial from The Onion.

The nomination got Yglesias thinking about the way we liberals disapprove of fast food—more precisely, about the signals we liberals send when we display this cultural prejudice.

Nothing he said was necessarily "wrong." He closed his piece like this:
YGLESIAS (12/9/16): Working-class people who enjoy both fast-food burgers and beer are well aware that Trump likes Big Macs too, while Democrats think it’s very important to make sure SNAP benefits are redeemable at farmers markets so rich and poor alike can enjoy the benefits of eating local, seasonal produce. Trump doesn’t drink beer, but he doesn’t advertise that fact.

This is identity politics just as much as campaigning with the Mothers of the Movement is. Neither Trump nor Puzder is, obviously, a real working-class person. But there’s an old joke about two barefoot guys in the woods who come across a bear.

One starts lacing up his sneakers, and the other asks why, pointing out that he’s never going to outrun the bear.

“I don’t need to outrun the bear,” he explains. “I just need to outrun you.”

A Thickburger or two doesn’t make Trump a member of the white working class. But it’s good enough to outrun the vast majority of Democratic Party elected officials from either of the main factions.
None of this was necessarily "wrong." But it led to a silly debate.

First in was Professor Krugman. He linked to Yglesias' "interesting post," then said, once again, that he thinks Those People in the white working-class are just imagining things when they say that We ridicule Them.

Krugman had made that specific assessment in this column just two weeks before. On this day, responding to Yglesias, he said this in a Times blog post:
KRUGMAN (12/9/16): Do the liberals sneer at the Joe Sixpacks? Actually, I’ve never heard it—the people I hang out with do understand that living the way they do takes a lot more money and time than hard-pressed Americans have, and aren’t especially judgmental about lifestyles. But it’s easy to see how the sense that liberals look down on regular folks might arise, and be fanned by right-wing media.
Long ago and far away, Times film critic Pauline Kael became famous for saying that she knew only one person who'd voted for President Nixon. (Nixon had won 49 states, gaining 61 percent of the vote.)

Now, in response to Yglesias' post, Krugman said he's never heard any liberals sneering at "the Joe Sixpacks." He did say it was easy to see how this misimpression might arise—and after that, the misimpression would be fanned by right-wing media! It would be all Their fault!

Kevin Drum said this was totally nuts. In saying this was totally nuts, Drum was totally right.

Having said that, we must also say this—we think Drum may have been pulling some punches this day. At best, we're forced to compare his analysis to a value-sized fries, as opposed to a full Happy Meal:
DRUM (12/9/16): I'm not here to get into a fight with Krugman, but come on. Sure, the right-wing media fans the flames of this stuff, but is there really any question that liberal city folks tend to sneer at rural working-class folks? I'm not even talking about stuff like abortion and guns and gay marriage, where we disagree over major points of policy. I'm talking about lifestyle. Krugman talks about fast food, and that's a decent example. Working-class folks like fast food, which explains why Donald Trump liked to show pictures of himself eating McDonald's or KFC. It's a sign that he's one of them. Ditto for Trump's famous trucker hat. (Did you even know that it's a trucker hat, not a baseball cap? He did.)

If I felt like this was something that actually needs evidence, I could produce a million examples in a very short time. But everyone gets this, don't they? We sneer at their starchy food. We sneer at their holy-roller megachurches. (But not at black churches; never that.) We sneer at their favorite TV shows. We sneer at their reading habits. We sneer at their guns. We sneer at their double-wides. We sneer at the tchotchkes that litter their houses. We sneer at their supermarket tabloids. We sneer at their music. We sneer at their leisure activities. We sneer at their blunt patriotism. We sneer at—

Again: come on. Maybe you personally don't do it—though judging from the comments here, a lot of you do—but you hardly need to be an anthropologist to recognize that this kind of sneering shows up on TV, in newspapers, on Twitter, in books, on Facebook, and in private conversations all the time. It's hard to believe that anyone is really blind to this.
Drum rolled his eyes at what Krugman had said. He listed millions of ways we liberals sneer at Those People. "It's hard to believe that anyone is really blind to this," he said.

Incomparably, we read many of the 539 comments which readers appended to Drum's post. We'd have to say Krugman wasn't alone. In our view, the substantial bulk of those people seemed to be "blind to this" too,

And uh-oh! Perusing the long list of Drum's examples, we'd almost say that he might be a tiny bit blind to this too. He'd ordered the McDonald's hotcakes, but he'd passed on the sausage!

Sneermeisters, let's be fair! Drum was right in every example he offered. And yes, we sneer at Them about fast food. Just consider what Sarah Kliff did.

In service to Vox, Kliff recently ventured to wildest southeastern Kentucky to talk to some of Those Voters. Why had these idiots voted for Candidate Trump? More specifically, why had people receiving insurance through Obamacare voted for a candidate who had vowed to repeal the program?

Kliff's report is lengthy; it's also very much worth reading. That said, before Kliff began exploring those questions, she sketched the cultural landscape:
KLIFF (12/13/16): Corbin is a small town in southeastern Kentucky, a place where cross-country truckers driving up and down I-75 will stop for the night. Its biggest tourist attraction is the first Kentucky Fried Chicken restaurant, which boasts an impressive collection of Harland Sanders memorabilia.
Beneath that bit of travelogue, Kliff included two color photos.

One was a photo of Sanders himself—the colonel, not the senator. The other photo was a close-up of some Christmas decorations. "By early December, downtown Corbin was heavily decorated for Christmas," Kliff's caption analytically said.

In the photo proffered by Kliff, the decorations look a bit kitschy. That said, the level of decoration doesn't look very heavy. Cities and towns all over the country prepare for Christmas this way.

Was Kliff perhaps sneering at Corbin a bit on a fast-food basis? We stopped to wonder why this passage had been included in her valuable piece at all. The population of ridiculous little Corbin stood a bit above 7200 in 2012. Do we normally describe such towns in terms of their tourist attractions?

We ourselves grew up in two towns—Winchester, Mass. (population roughly 18,000 at the time) and San Mateo, California (roughly 65,000). Today, each community lands on the affluent, chic-and-cool side of the cultural scale. But does either town boast a "tourist attraction?" When did that become the way we introduce such places to readers?

A sensitive soul could have seen a quick sneer in Kliff's excursion into Kentucky Fried Chicken and kitschy Christmas fare. That same soul might have taken giant offense at what happened after Kevin Drum commented on Kliff's report.

Drum posted excerpts in which three Obamacare enrollees discussed their reasons for supporting Trump. "We can complain about this all we want, but that's the reality out there," he wrote, or perhaps almost sniffed.

A person could have heard a bit of a sniff in that comment. Drum had also included an aside about one of these voters, Ruby Atkins, which seemed to suggest that she'd made a very dumb comment to Kliff. (Based on Kliff's report, we can find no reason to think that.)

Drum's readers ran with this tone. In his post, Drum cited "several smallish problems" with Obamacare. Mainly, he discussed the way the Obama Administration didn't "bust the budget" to fund the program and didn't "oversell" it.

To our ear, Kliff's report seems to suggest that those "smallish problems" were actually very large problems for Corbin enrollees. More specifically, they said their deductibles were so high that, while they technically had health insurance, they simply weren't able to use it.

To our ear, Drum blew past the gist of Kliff's essay; his readers took things from there. As we noted yesterday, they began staging the standard discussions of what "idiots" Those Corbin Folk were.

What other word could they possibly use? Inquiring minds couldn't imagine!

Those readers didn't give a flying fark about the problems confronting Those People. Meanwhile, at the very top of our liberal food chain, the most important journalist of the past fifteen years had just said, for the second time, that Those People are just imagining things when they say that we liberals sneer.

Back to Drum's rebuttal to Krugman:

Drum listed roughly a thousand ways we liberals sneer at Those People. That said, the most obvious ways we liberals sneer were missing from his list.

Tomorrow, we'll consider those omissions from this Christmas list. We'll also return to the resentment of Scott Seitz—the resentment Van Jones didn't have time to explore in his kitschy "town hall" CNN special.

We'll also mention one key part of what Professor Lilla said. For today, we'll issue a spoiler:

"Say their name," Lilla said.

Tomorrow: The sneering that didn't bark

Ripley pimps those preferred story lines!

WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 14, 2016

A note on immigrant kids:
How well did American students perform on the 2015 Pisa?

We'll get to that question in time. For ourselves, we haven't yet examined the scores-in-themselves. We're still puzzling about the way the scores are being reported.

This morning, we read the Washington Post's report on the Pisa; we missed it when it appeared last week. At first glance, we were puzzled by the way Joe Heim handled those alleged Chinese scores. Also, by his adherence to a basic rule:

When countries outscore the United States, you lovingly name those countries. When the United States outscores those same countries, those countries will go unnamed.

Heim followed that rule with distinction. For today, let's return to Amanda Ripley's report from the New York Times, a major newspaper which seems to have disappeared the Timss.

Ripley's report appeared on December 8; for our previous treatment, click here. We were struck by the following passage, in which Ripley discusses the miraculous way the Pisa honchos predict which countries are going to do well:
RIPLEY (12/8/16): So how do the researchers make their predictions? The process is not entirely intuitive. They can't, for example, assume that countries that spend the most will do the best (the world's biggest per-student spenders include the United States, Luxembourg and Norway, none of which are education superpowers).

Nor can they guess based on which countries have the least poverty or the fewest immigrants (places like Estonia, with significant child poverty, and Canada, with more immigrant students than the United States, now top the charts). All those factors matter, but they interact with other critical conditions to create brilliance—or not.
Our assessment? With this report for the Times, Ripley seems to have established herself as one of the great, silly propagandists.

In her ballyhooed 2013 book, The Smartest Kids in the World: And How They Got That Way, Ripley included several passages which seemed baldly dishonest. These remarks about poverty and immigration seem to conform to that pattern.

It's true! The highest spending countries won't necessarily produce the highest test scores. No one has ever thought different.

Things start getting murky with Ripley's remarks about "child poverty." On a cross-cultural, international basis, poverty is hard to define and measure. Analysts start talking about relative poverty rather than absolute poverty. Ripley lets this conceptual problem slide in these latest remarks.

Please note: With these remarks, Ripley is batting aside perfectly sensible explanations for lower scores in American schools with lots of low-income and immigrant kids. Within the world of so-called "education reform," such explanations are known as "excuses" and as "reasons for privatization." Propagandists and true believers love the kinds of remarks Ripley is fashioning here.

It's Ripley's remarks about immigration which really give a truth-teller pause. Ripley seems to be working a scam with those comments. Given certain things she wrote in her ballyhooed book, it almost seems that this must be deliberate.

It's true! You can't assume that countries with lots of immigrant kids will be the worst performers—and Canada does make a good example. Canada has lots of immigrant kids, and it does do fairly well on both the Timss and the Pisa.

(Full disclosure: American kids outscored their Canadian peers on the 2015 Timss. You aren't likely to learn such facts from either the Post or the Times.)

Canada has lots of immigrant kids, and it does fairly well on these international tests. But alas! As Ripley knows, it isn't simply how many immigrant kids you have; it's also where they come from.

Canada's immigrant kids are largely from Asia, with its nearly ubiquitous education-at-all-costs cultures. In Canada, immigrant kids actually tend to outscore native-born kids on international tests. That's largely because of the cultural and class backgrounds of those immigrant kids.

In this country, our immigrant kids are more likely to come from low-income, low-education backgrounds. This creates a different kind of challenge for public schools and their teachers. It's perfectly clear from Ripley's book that she understands these basic facts. But there she went again last week, telling roughly half the story in service to preferred story lines from the cult of "reform."

Ripley's book seemed baldly dishonest in more than a couple of spots. Her treatment of Finland's alleged success with its immigrant kids was one of the most glaring such passages.

Ripley seemed to be lying about that success, but she succeeded in conveying desired impressions. For a basic blow-by-blow, see THE DAILY HOWLER, 10/14/16.

Is Amanda Ripley a propagandist? At best, she's a true believer. She does succeed in promulgating standard preferred story lines.

Is Ripley a shill, or just a believer? Either way, the New York Times should be embarrassed for putting her work in print.

In the process, Ripley and the Times seems to have disappeared the Timss. Half the data have thus gone away. There's a name for such work:

Fake news.

Comic relief: How Reince Priebus explained Trump's landslide!

WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 14, 2016

Why you don't hear "one county, one vote:"
In a front-page report in yesterday's Washington Post, Miller and Entous addressed some of the points about Russian hacking we ourselves raised on Monday.

They noted the confusion which has arisen from inconsistent use of the term "hacked." Beyond that, they added a fourth possibility to the three we'd listed:
MILLER AND ENTOUS (12/13/16): U.S. intelligence officials said that the Russian government appears to have succeeded in penetrating computer systems associated with both parties but "prioritized" Democratic institutions in a campaign that culminated with the posting of thousands of sensitive emails on the WikiLeaks website.

The CIA briefed the administration that it thinks the Russians "breached" the RNC systems, according to a senior U.S. official, who like others spoke on the condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of the issue. "Obviously there haven't been the same sort of leaks and pilfered documents spread about from this intrusion as there were from the various DNC and related incursions."

Other officials familiar with the CIA's assessment said there is "high confidence" that the RNC was targeted but less certainty that the Russians got inside the committee and stole material.

The explanation for the lack of damaging Republican leaks remains a source of debate across the U.S. intelligence community, but officials think it may reflect in part an allocation of resources and effort by Russian-backed actors who have been tied to the hacking campaign.
Why didn't the Russians release Republican materials? We don't know, but we'll call this "Possibility 4:"
Possibility 4: The Russians may have targeted both major parties. But they may have directed more attention at the Dems.
Whatever! Of one thing we can be certain. Tremendous efforts will be made to create confusion about these matters. Absent skillful work by journalists, these efforts will succeed.

Our journalists are rarely excessively skillful. On Sunday, Reince Priebus ran circles around Chuck Todd on Meet the Press. At one point, he seemed unwilling to affirm any Russian involvement at all. In all the confusion, he even seemed to suggest that the intelligence community hadn't made any such formal statement.

Todd failed to note the October 7 statement in which the intelligence community formally said the Russians were the agents. In the course of all the confusion, Todd seemed to support Priebus' suggestion that no one except anonymous sources has made any such claim.

On Monday night, Brian Williams got waylaid in an even more ridiculous fashion by neocon kingpin James Woolsey.

For unknown reasons, Williams featured Woolsey as a guest on his MSNBC program, The Eleventh Hour. With considerable vigor, Woolsey devoted himself to denying that the Russians interfered with American voting systems—an allegation no one has made.

Williams seemed to have no idea that Woolsey was attacking a straw man; either that, or the handsome anchor simply didn't want to challenge his high-ranking guest. Whatever! Woolsey created tremendous confusion during his solo interview segment. Williams showed no sign of understanding how far afield he'd been taken by his guest.

Priebus was gifted this Sunday by Todd's apparent lack of preparation. That said, Priebus is a determined dissembler. For a bit of comic relief, let's recall the way he tried to support the ridiculous claim that Candidate Trump won a massive "landslide" last month.

Priebus released his ridiculous statement on November 25—exactly one month before Christmas. Here's part of what he said:
PRIEBUS (11/25/16): Nearly three weeks after the presidential election, the numbers showing President-elect Donald J. Trump's commanding victory are coming more fully into focus. He won 306 electoral votes, the most for a Republican since George H. W. Bush in 1988. He carried 9 of 13 battleground states. Millions of Americans rallied behind his message of rebuilding our country and disrupting the status quo. This was a truly national victory.

Here are some other stats on the scope of his win:

I. A groundswell of popular support:

President-elect Donald J. Trump won over 2,600 counties nationwide,
the most since President Reagan in 1984. Additionally, he won over 62 million votes in the popular vote, the highest all-time for a Republican nominee. Voters everywhere wanted Donald J. Trump as their president.
The foolishness continued from there. Let's consider the highlighted statement, which got a fair amount of play over the next few weeks.

Did Donald J. Trump really win 2600 counties? Yes, he pretty much did, though that doesn't necessarily indicate "a groundswell of popular support."

You see, not all counties are created equal. Here's a list of the nation's six largest:
Population of six American counties
Los Angeles County (Calif.): 9.8 million
Cook County (Ill.): 5.2 million
Harris County (Texas): 4.1 million
Maricopa County (Ariz.): 3.8 million
San Diego County (Calif.): 3.1 million
Orange County (Calif.): 3.0 million
Those are the nation's six largest counties. By way of contrast, here are the population figures for six other counties:
Population of six other American counties
Blaine County (Neb.): 478
Arthur County (Neb.): 460
Kennedy County (Texas): 416
King County (Texas): 286
Kalawao County (Haw.): 90
Loving County (Texas): 82
For the record, we may be overstating the size of some counties. Those figures all come from the 2010 census. By 2012, Loving County's population had dropped to 67.

Not all counties are created equal! There's a good reason why you've never heard the battle cry, "One county, one vote!"

We live in a time when there's nothing so silly, so bogus or so stupid that people like Priebus won't say it. On Sunday, he took Todd to the cleaners concerning Russian involvement in hacking.

One night later, there was Woolsey, eating Williams alive.

For figure filberts only: According to the leading authority on county size, fourteen U.S. counties top two million in population.

Thirty-five counties have a population under one thousand. Just over 700 counties check in at less than 10,000.

There's nothing a player like Priebus won't say. He'll often say it to a TV star, which means he'll live to make another ridiculous statement on some other day.

DRUM AND JONES—AND US: The magnificent fast food sneering debate!

WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 14, 2016

Part 3—The way we liberals roll:
It ought to be said that Scott Seitz was perhaps overstating a tad.

The Seitz family was interviewed by Van Jones at the start of last week's "town hall" special on CNN. Scott Seitz was identified as a two-time Obama voter who voted for Trump this fall.

Seitz hails from Ohio's Trumbull County, which includes part of Youngstown. Last Monday, as he previewed his program, Jones described the situation in Trumbull County to a fascinated Anderson Cooper.

"Over the last 40 years—well actually it's the last four years, especially Obama's second term—industry has been hit hard" in Trumbull County, Jones said. "Many steel mills, manufacturing plants have been closed, and thousands of jobs have been lost."

That didn't sound good. In this morning's New York Times, Eduardo Porter describes the disproportionate amount of job loss which has afflicted the white working class in such locations. (In the 2010 census, Trumbull County was 89.2% white.)

Seitz, a lifelong Democrat, has seen this up close and personal. Still, he was perhaps overstating a tad when he made the highlighted remarks, part of a bitter complaint about Candidate Clinton:
JONES (12/6/16): So how does a billionaire—I mean, you guys are seriously like the working class backbone of America and the industrial heartland. How does a billionaire break through to the blue-collar worker? And what's it about him? I mean, it just drives me crazy. I don't understand. I'm confused.

SEITZ: She wasn't even close. She never even mentioned us.

JONES: That's the—

SEITZ: Is she—she heard us. We put Democrats in office and she turned around and forgot completely about us.

We are what makes this world go round. We built the tanks and bombs that won this country's wars and for you to come through here and completely neglect us, we would have rather vote for anybody instead of her.
"We built the tanks and bombs that won this country's wars?" Whatever one thinks of Seitz's overall complaint, it might be said that he was perhaps over- or understating.

Many people from many groups "built the tanks and bombs that won this country's wars." It certainly wasn't just the people from Trumbull County.

Based on Seitz's interactions with Jones, we have no doubt that he would have quickly acknowledged this fact. Also in fairness, nothing Seitz said to Jones carried anything like an explicit racial context. Did we mention the fact that he supported Obama both times?

This time around, Seitz seemed to bear a serious grievance against Candidate Clinton. Let's try to puzzle that out.

Who exactly did Candidate Clinton fail to mention in this campaign? Who did she "completely forget?" In the material which CNN aired, Seitz was never asked and never explicitly said.

But in the weeks since November's election, many observers have criticized Clinton for allegedly failing to speak to the plight of the white working class. She spoke about everyone else, these observers have said. But she pretty much skipped past them.

Is that a fair assessment of Clinton's campaign? We don't really know. We do know this—when Jim Garland wrote a famous labor song in the 1930s, "We worked to build this country, Mister" tended to play differently in progressive and liberal ears.

Back then, liberals and progressives were inclined to see a nobility in the complaints of the white working class. "We worked to build this country, Mister" tended to sound like a justified, noble complaint.

In films like The Grapes of Wrath (1940) and It's A Wonderful Life (1946), the white working class was favorably, and accurately, portrayed as victims of an avaricious ruling class. We liberals no longer rush to see things that way. Consider what happened when Kevin Drum linked to Sarah Kliff's new report.

Like Jones, Kliff had ventured into the interior in search of Trump voters. Reporting from the wilds of Whitley County, she sought explanations from such people as to why they'd voted for Trump.

Kliff didn't fail to signal us concerning their comical culture; more on that whistle tomorrow. But when these degraded yahoos explained their reasons for supporting Trump, degraded yahoos who read Drum's post responded in typical fashion.

What happened wasn't Drum's fault! He had merely posted excerpts from Kliff's report. More specifically, he'd posted excerpts in which Trump voters explained why they voted for Trump even though it meant they might lose the health insurance they obtained through Obamacare.

In our view, these Trump voters made unwise assessments this fall. That said, their lack of wisdom was matched and topped by Drum's readers in comments.

Below, you see some typical reactions to those Kentucky Trump voters. We're quoting comments from our own tribe's reliable gang of unintelligent yahoos, who offered these typically thoughtful reactions in comments to Drum's post:
COMMENTER 1 (12/13/16): I've read a lot about how we liberals aren't supposed to "condescend" to Trump supporters, nor are we supposed to call them idiots. But . . .

One Trump supporter who knew he was promising to repeal Obamacare, and voted for him anyway? And another who didn't understand that the President and Congress are empowered to change the law? If "idiots" isn't an accurate term for these people, what is?

COMMENTER 2: These are people who thought kicking out the brown people was of more vital importance to them than their healthcare. So many accurate terms for them, yet so little will to use any of them.

COMMENTER 3: Lyndon Johnson said it best: If you let the lowest white man think he is better than any colored man, he won't notice that you're picking his pocket. Hell, give him someone to look down on, he'll empty his pockets for you.

COMMENTER 4: Nose. Face. Some spiteful disassembly required.

COMMENTER 5: The whole thing is deplorable. They handed the keys to the White House to a pussy grabbing reality TV show star because their feelings were hurt?
This is very typical stuff from our own legion of yahoos. Quickly, let's review:

Commenter 1 wanted to know how he could refer to These People except by calling them idiots. Commenter 2 quickly explained that they voted for Trump for the obvious reason:

They voted for Trump because they're racists! Our yahoos have memorized that!

In comments, the savants continued to muse. Is it possible that these Kentucky voters were the victims of avaricious elites? Our yahoos rarely take that path. Our yahoos seem to enjoy kicking down. We like to talk about "them:"
COMMENTER 1: Ms. Mills clearly deserves to be labeled an idiot for not understanding that the President and Congress can change the law. How the hell does she think Obamacare became law in the first place? From the revealed Word of God, I suppose, which is why Trump and the Republicans supposedly can't change it now. She needs to go back and watch Schoolhouse Rock.

I expect you're right that the bulk of those who like Obamacare and still voted for Trump simply believed he was bullshitting. I'm not sure that really makes them much better.

COMMENTER 6: Was it Churchill who observed that the most effective argument against democracy was a five-minute conversation with the average voter?

COMMENTER 7: These are the same people who complain that the elitist liberals look down on them.
You have to love Commenter 7. Meanwhile, darn those "average voters!" They aren't just racist, they're religious too! There they had gone again!

Needless to say, these are very familiar comments. In such comments, our highly useful "liberal" idiots agree to work overtime, without pay, creating supporters for Trump.

In the modern context, these are very familiar reactions. We pseudo-liberals have been thinking and talking this way at least since the 1960s, when an age of turmoil opened divisions between progressives and the white working class.

These comments aren't a reflection on Drum. They do reflect the tenor of the times. Almost surely, they help explain the tone of grievance in Seitz's remarks, which largely went unexplored on Jones' rushed, hour-long program. Note the wonderful use of the term "deplorable" one of our savants threw in! Darlings, it's simply delish!

Four days earlier, Drum had offered a post in which he discussed the way we liberals sneer at The Others. He was responding to Paul Krugman's latest claim that The Others are simply imagining things when they perceive such slights.

Drum said Krugman was just a bit nuts about this. Rather plainly, Drum was right, but Krugman is hardly alone.

In comments that day, Drum's readers seemed almost completely clueless concerning the ways we liberals sneer at The Others. Truth to tell, Drum seemed to serving some soft soap too, as had Matt Yglesias in the post to which Krugman responded.

Do we liberals sneer at Those People concerning their love of fast food? That was the question our savants discussed. Could we be more clueless?

Do we the liberals have any idea about the way we seem to The Others? Scott Seitz voted for Obama twice, was somehow offended by Clinton.

When this reaction occurred on a wider scale, it produced an appalling electoral outcome. But even now, we liberals seem unwilling to come to terms with these disastrous dynamics.

"Idiots" was the term in comments. Might it apply to Us?

Tomorrow: Moving beyond fast food

Comcast is down!

TUESDAY, DECEMBER 13, 2016

And the Howler is out:
Comcast tells us they're down for the day. That means we're done till tomorrow.

DRUM AND JONES—AND US: Ohioans flip from Obama to Trump!

TUESDAY, DECEMBER 13, 2016

Part 2—The rustics' lament:
Before airing last week's "town hall" special on CNN, Van Jones journeyed to Ohio. While there, he interviewed a family of white working-class blokes.

The rough-hewn patriarch, Scott Seitz, was described by Jones as "a life-long Democrat who voted for Obama twice." This time around, though, something had happened:

He'd voted for Candidate Trump!

Seitz's wife, Derinda Seitz, had also voted for Obama. This time around, she voted for every Democrat down-ticket, but she didn't cast a vote for president at all.

The Seitzes' three strapping sons also voted for Candidate Trump. In 2012, Cameron Seitz had voted for Obama. At that time, he was the only one of the sons old enough to vote.

Why had the Seitzes flipped? Why had these classic "fly-over" folk supported Obama in the past, then flipped over to Trump?

On last Tuesday's town hall program, Jones played tape of his earlier "kitchen table" meeting with the Seitzes. He then interviewed Derinda Seitz and Scott Seitz in person.

Why did the Seitzes flip from Obama to Trump? During the town hall program, the Seitzes began to explain in this part of the videotaped interview:
JONES (12/6/16): What did you like about Obama, and then what did you like about Trump?

SCOTT SEITZ: I think Obama represents a lot of love. And I think that he's a good man and he did all he could and we supported him for two elections. And then when those changes really didn't come about, and Obamacare actually affected me personally with my own mother, I think we needed a change once again.

Trump seemed to come through here and he's speaking change again. So I think we still voted for change.

DERINDA SEITZ: I just, you know, I— I wouldn't vote for either one.

JONES: So you voted for a Democrat all the way down, but could not vote for Hillary Clinton?

DERINDA SEITZ: No. It was just her morals and his morals. I just— No, it—They, they both scared me.
Scott Seitz was never asked to explain how Obamacare had "affected me personally with my own mother." He said this played a role in his vote, but no explanation was sought, and no explanation was given.

Derinda Seitz wasn't asked to explain her comment about Candidate Clinton's morals. That comment also went unexplained as Jones sought to explain the Obama-to-Trump switch, while observing his one-hour time limit and speed-interviewing three hundred thousand other people.

So it typically goes at CNN "town hall" events! That said, Scott Seitz did offer some intriguing remarks on that videotape. After the family briefly claimed that they aren't a gang of snarling racists, Scott Seitz was shown saying this:
JONES: So how does a billionaire—I mean, you guys are seriously like the working-class backbone of America in the industrial heartland. I mean, how does a billionaire break through to the blue-collar worker?

SCOTT SEITZ: We put Democrats in office. And she turned around and forgot completely about us.

We are what makes this world go round. We built the tanks and bombs that won these country's wars, and for you to come through here and completely neglect us, we would have rather vote for, for anybody instead of her. And all the other stuff that Donald said didn't seem to make a hill of beans. She hurt us. And that's what it is.

(END VIDEO TAPE)

JONES: Please welcome Derinda and Scott Seitz right here, all the way from Ohio.
All the way from Ohio, the Seitzes appeared, then answered several more questions. Ironically, they'd been given more time to explain themselves on the Anderson Cooper program one night before.

Jones had appeared with Cooper to preview the town hall program. When he did, Cooper played longer excerpts of Jones' videotaped interview with the Ohio rustics.

Why had two-time Obama voters flipped over to Trump? On those longer videotape excerpts, Scott Seitz seemed to explain his wife's remark about Candidate Clinton's morals:

"You know, Hillary, we couldn't trust her...Anybody who deletes, as I understand it, 30,000 e-mails two days after she was subpoenaed, and then she takes her server and acid washes it and clears it, that, to me, is admitting guilt. And people in this area kind of really looked at that."

Scott Seitz was describing the claims our own team's mugging, clowning TV stars never deigned to address. They were too busy pleasuring us with all manner of tribally pleasing porridge and pap.

During Cooper's longer video excerpts, Scott Seitz also put more flesh on the bones of the family's economic concerns. After the airing of the tape, Jones even told Cooper that Seitz's remarks had brought CNN's own workers to tears:
SCOTT SEITZ (12/5/16): Hillary could have certainly been the commander in chief. If she would have spoke to the blue-collar worker, she would be sitting there.

JONES: So how does a billionaire—I mean, you guys are seriously like the working class backbone of America and the industrial heartland. How does a billionaire break through to the blue-collar worker? And what's it about him? I mean, it just drives me crazy. I don't understand. I'm confused.

SCOTT SEITZ: She wasn't even close. She never even mentioned us.

JONES: That's the—

SCOTT SEITZ: Is she— She heard us. We put Democrats in office and she turned around and forgot completely about us.

We are what makes this world go round. We built the tanks and bombs that won these country's wars and for you to come through here and completely neglect us, we would have rather vote for anybody instead of her. And all the other stuff that Donald said didn't seem to make a hill of beans. She hurt us. And that's what it is.

(END VIDEO CLIP)

COOPER: It's so— I'm so glad you did this and then we played a long chunk. And there's going to be a lot more tomorrow night. And that hurt is so real and it is—so it's not political pundits talking. It's people whose lives have been affected and it's so easy, I think, for folks on the left to demonize Trump voters as being—as painting everybody with a very unfair broad brush.

JONES: When he said that, "She hurt us," camera guys teared up. It wasn't the rage and this stuff and the "lock her up" and all that stuff. That was so far from that kitchen table. And I just hope that people will watch this thing tomorrow and start to understand we've been talking past each other. We don't understand each other.
The next night, in the formal town hall program, viewers actually heard a bit less of Scott Seitz's economic-cum-"no respect" complaint.

What was the complaint about Candidate Clinton? "She never even mentioned us," Scott Seitz said, evoking something Professor Lilla had said just a few weeks before.

Might we state the obvious? The Seitzes are just one Ohio family. You can't "explain" the nation's 63 million Trump voters just by speaking with them, or just by speaking with anyone else.

That said, we heard quite a few echoes in what the Seitzes said. In particular, we heard an echo of Professor Lilla, whose essay for the New York Times we'll discuss by the end of the week.

We also heard the words of the old labor song we cited not long ago. "I Don't Want Your Millions, Mister," Jim Garland wrote long ago, in the 1930s. Way back then, during labor wars, Garland also wrote this:

We worked to build this country, mister,
You enjoyed a life of ease.
You've stolen all that we built, mister.
Why must our babies starve and freeze?


The Seitzes' sons didn't starve and freeze. But like Garland, the Seitzes felt that they had "built this country," and that they'd been thrown away.

Professor Lilla had an eminently sensible thing to say about that general perception. We liberals have responded with silly op-eds which evaded his point, and with ruminations about the way we sometimes sneer about the folkways of rustics like the Seitzes—for example, about the way we sometimes sneer at such folk for eating too much fast food.

Drum tried talking sense to Krugman. All in all, we'd have to say that the conversation supported the Seitzes' lament.

Tomorrow: Fast food concatenation