MOONLIGHT AND SCRIPT: Chiron emerges from chrysalis, Boston Globe says!

THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 9, 2017

Part 4—LaLi Mohamed's dissent:
Does Barry Jenkins' widely praised feature film, Moonlight, involve a type of miserablism?

You're asking a very good question, involving a rarely used word! When he reviewed the film in the Boston Globe, Ty Burr said it doesn't.

Burr penned the passage shown below. We reproduce it for several reasons:
BURR (11/2/16): Much of “Moonlight” is terribly sad, but it would be a mistake to dismiss the film as a work of chiding urban miserabilism. The tragedies here are personal; the larger social disaster of being poor and black in the United States is mostly a distant backdrop, like the weather. (Although you can’t change the weather.)

That sadness—of not being allowed to be anything like who you are—is tempered by closely observed moments of connection. Little being taught to swim by Juan, a scene that feels as foundational to us as it does to the boy. Chiron communing with Kevin on a moonlit beach. Black at the diner counter, finally remembering who Chiron was, is, and still could be.
It would be a mistake, Burr said, to dismiss Moonlight as miserabilism. (The rarely used term can be spelled two different ways.)

To his credit, Burr was willing to say that much of Moonlight is "terribly sad." In that fleeting remark, he came closer to reporting what he saw on the screen than many upper-end colleagues.

But according to Burr, the terrible sadness of this striking film is tempered by its "moments of connection." Also, "the larger social disaster of being poor and black in the United States is mostly a distant backdrop!"

People, thank goodness for that!

Remember—we're exploring the journalism about Moonlight here, not the film itself. With that in mind, we'd have to say that this passage from Burr captures some of the problems we thought we observed with the reviews of the film.

In our view, Burr's comment about that "larger social disaster" clumsily captures one of the problems with the upper-end mainstream reviews. For now, though, ever so briefly, let's ponder miserablism.

Why did Burr say it would be a mistake to tag Moonlight that way? Perhaps because he actually thought that—or perhaps because writer/director Barry Jenkins had said that very thing less than two months before.

It happened at the Toronto Film Festival, from which Moonlight emerged as a consensus smash. According to the Chicago Tribune's Michael Phillips, "Jenkins told the audience he wanted the opposite of a 'gritty, miserablist' approach" in making his film. Jenkins had been quoted elsewhere making this same declaration.

As part of a syndrome which often obtains when a film becomes a rave-by-consensus, Burr may have internalized Jenkins' claim. Phillips quoted Jenkins' remark. Burr just repeated it for him.

Similar practices can be observed all through the major reviews. As part of the Stockholm Syndrome which obtains in the case of consensus it-films, we'd say the critics tended to break their backs avoiding mention of the suffering endured by Moonlight's protagonist. Burr joined the club with his somewhat clumsy remark, in which he said that Jenkins' film submerges a certain "larger social disaster."

Let's be clear—the suffering endured by Chiron, who's 9 when Moonlight begins, isn't unique to black kids. There are white kids with crack-addicted parents too. Presumably, kids of all stripes get bullied and beaten for being "faggots," whether they're gay or not.

Sometimes, these kids end up hanging themselves, producing small moments of notice.

That said, Jenkins' film seems to be set, as it begins, in poverty-class black Miami in the 1980s. The suffering endured by Chiron is endured by a kid who's socially defined as "black."

According to Jenkins, Moonlight captures some aspects of his own low-income Miami childhood, which involved an addicted mother. But it's perfectly clear that the studio didn't want Jenkins' striking film to be seen as some species of "miserablism."

As a result, the studio issued the upbeat overview shown below. Because Moonlight is a consensus smash, the critics launched a familiar practice. They began working from script:
Moonlight

A timeless story of human connection and self-discovery,
Moonlight chronicles the life of a young black man from childhood to adulthood as he struggles to find his place in the world while growing up in a rough neighborhood of Miami. At once a vital portrait of contemporary African American life and an intensely personal and poetic meditation on identity, family, friendship, and love, Moonlight is a groundbreaking piece of cinema that reverberates with deep compassion and universal truths. Anchored by extraordinary performances from a tremendous ensemble cast, Jenkins’s staggering, singular vision is profoundly moving in its portrayal of the moments, people, and unknowable forces that shape our lives and make us who we are.
Does Moonlight "reverberate with deep compassion and universal truths?" In search of those universal truths, does it portray "the moments, people, and unknowable forces that shape our lives and make us who we are?"

Yesterday, we showed you an especially fatuous blurb, in which a critic for Variety parroted—indeed, magnified—these upbeat assertions.

In that critic's silly account, Moonlight's "message is clear: The world is richer and deeper and more complex than we ever imagined, and even its most troubled characters—just like us—are looking for love."

Moonlight's Chiron is "just like us!" Except, to be honest, he almost surely isn't.

That especially fatuous blurb is the first text a person encounters at Moonlight's official site. It's a silly account of a striking film—a film we found to be very depressing, but a film which deserves to be described in an accurate fashion.

That said, alas! Across the critical landscape, scribes stampeded to parrot the studio's portrait. This produced a series of accounts in which critics suggest the film provides something like an upbeat affirmative ending.

In our view, Burr puts this shine on the film. In his account, "you understand [in Moonlight's third and final phase] that everything up to that point has been prelude." According to Burr, the film reaches "the moment where Chiron finally emerges from the mutilated chrysalis of his life."

That strikes us as utterly fatuous. That said, other critics battled to describe the most upbeat resolution. In the New York Times, A. O. Scott cheered us up with this:
SCOTT (10/21/16): In structure and tone, "Moonlight" sets itself against the earnest, austere naturalism that has become a default setting for movies about social misery. Chiron and [his mother] certainly suffer (and inflict suffering on each other), but they are liberated from the standard indie-film arc of abjection and redemption. Mr. McCraney's play is a layered and fractured collage of voices, and while Mr. Jenkins has adjusted the shape to the linear demands of narrative filmmaking, he has retained the original's vital focus on Chiron's inner life.

I'm not sure I've ever seen a screen adaptation of a stage play that has been at once so true to the spirit of its source and so completely cinematic. Though the film, like Richard Linklater's "Boyhood," is driven more by the flow of experience than the mechanics of plot, there are plenty of twists and reversals. Chiron's friendship with a schoolmate named Kevin evolves through a dance of camaraderie and betrayal that is better witnessed than described. A significant death takes place in the interval between two of the chapters and is mentioned only in passing. Prison sentences are dealt with in the same way. Crime, violence and incarceration are facts of life, but no life can ever be the sum of such facts.
Let's be the tiniest bit unfair. In that passage, does Scott say that Chiron's suffering "is better" left undescribed?

In our view, Scot's review of Moonlight is one of the most fatuous pieces of journalism we've seen in a good long time. It made us wonder if a certain cycle has returned our upper-end liberal world to the 1950s and 1960s—to the age of "radical chic," to the era in which people like Scott urged one and all to "Take a Negro to Lunch."

We'll try to get to that tomorrow. For today, Scott, like so many others, puts a shine on the arc of the film in the passage we've posted:

Chiron is "liberated from the standard arc of abjection and redemption?" If that means that nothing resembling redemption occurs, we might be inclined to agree.

"Crime, violence and incarceration are facts of life, but no life can ever be the sum of such facts?" We'll suggest that's easy for a fellow to say if the violence and incarceration in question aren't the facts of his life.

On first viewing, we found Moonlight very depressing. Somewhat puzzled, we searched for a review which described the events we had seen on the screen.

Among the major mainstream reviews, we've found no such account. We had to journey to Canada, where we heard from Lali Mohamed, who isn't a film critic.

According to this profile, Mohamed "identifies as black, gay, and Muslim." He was born in Germany; he seems to have moved to Canada when he was seven years old.

"At 18, I started identifying publicly as gay and queer," Mohamed says.

In a discussion of Moonlight, Mohamed seemed to refer to the things we had seen on the screen. "It certainly isn't a love story," he said. "It's a story of robbed innocence, of a trepid, almost smashed adolescence, of a barren adult life."

When another participant mentioned the traits which let Chiron survive, Mohamed lodged an objection. "But did he survive?" Mohamed asked. "It was as if the depth and texture of his life was stolen."

LaLi Mohamed, please! Moonlight is a story of a barren adult life? The depth and texture of Chiron's life was stolen from him?

Why is Mohamed saying such things? But also, why didn't film critics say such things, if only in the act of describing what actually occurs on the screen?

Tomorrow, we'll try to wrap this up. Concerning our press corps' contempt for the nation's black kids, we still have a long way to go.

We'll think about a famous book which developed a theme a long time ago. Has a certain cycle perhaps returned among our upper-end liberal class? To high-ranking, erudite critics like Scott, is Moonlight's badly mistreated Chiron perhaps an "invisible man?"

Tomorrow: Invisible boy; invisible scores; visible lack of interest

What have they done with the real Kevin Drum?

WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 8, 2017

Childish scribe does it again:
What have they done with the real Kevin Drum? You know? The one who used to be bright?

We asked the important question last week and actually got a reply. In our view, the answer was so childish and so silly that we haven't been able to bring ourselves to comment upon it.

According to Drum, the real Kevin Drum died on November 8. A new Kevin Drum has taken his place. This self-serving answer is morally gross in an array of ways.

Can we talk? Kevin Drum sat out the several decades of war which led to November 8. One day later, he apparently decided it was time for a new Kevin Drum to stage an heroic new fight.

The way he's chosen to fight is unintelligent, silly, dumb. Consider the latest post in this ridiculous street-fighting line. It appeared beneath this street-fighting headline:

"We Need to Agree On a Set of Rules For Calling Something a Lie"

Jesus H. Trump! The English language assembled that "set of rules" way back in the annals of time.

When can we fiery pseudos say that Trump has "lied?" In his latest silly attempt to outfit himself with powerful bombs, Drum has a particular type of instance in mind.

He starts with Trump's ridiculous recent assertion, in which he said that news orgs are now refusing to report terrorist attacks. Let's quote Trump with a bit of precision:

“Radical Islamic terrorists are determined to strike our homeland, as they did on 9/11, as they did from Boston to Orlando to San Bernardino and all across Europe. All over Europe it’s happening. It’s gotten to a point where it’s not even being reported, and in many cases, the very, very dishonest press doesn’t want to report it.”

As with many statements by Trump, his claim was so vaguely worded that it's a bit hard to paraphrase. When his press secretary pretended to offer examples of this offense on the part of the press, he committed his latest inane, giant fail.

It was Trump's latest ridiculous statement! Wanting to know if he can say that Trump "lied," Drum posed this silly, dumb question:
DRUM (2/6/17): So here's a good question: If someone says something with no evidence, is it a lie? Please don't try to evade the question with a knowing reference to On Bullshit, either. Let's assume—because I'm a charitable guy—that Trump isn't affirmatively aware that there are no terrorist attacks that the media has ignored, and is deliberately saying the opposite. Let's assume, instead, that he just doesn't know, and said it because it sounded good.

Is that a lie?
That question, which is ambiguously worded, is dumb in a wide range of ways. (Regarding the ambiguity, did Drum's malefactor offer no evidence? Or did it turn out that his malefactor actually had no evidence?)

However we may resolve that point, Drum's question is dumb in several ways. Let's get started:

Drum already knows the answer:

Drum is a native speaker of English. He has spoken English his entire life. At least theoretically, this means that he already knows "what to call" a bit of behavior like the behavior he describes.

Newsflash! There are many unflattering things you can say about behavior like that. For ourselves, as a general matter, we wouldn't start with "lie."

Drum's question has little application to the real world:

Is the behavior Drum described a lie? Even as a theoretical matter, the question is basically dumb. But out here in the actual world, the answer is unlikely to matter. Here's why:

When Trump makes his next ridiculous statement, Drum will have no way of knowing whether Trump has made his statement "with no evidence." He'll also have no way of knowing whether Donald J. Trump believed that he had any evidence.

There will be no way to know these things. For that reason, a theoretical answer to Drum's question will have no real-world applications.

Trump makes ridiculous statements all the time. Given our assessment of Trump, his next ridiculous statement could stem from various causes:

It's our impression that Trump will say X, Y or Z even though he knows that X, Y or Z is false. (By tradition, this is a straightforward "lie.")

It's our impression that Trump will say A, B or C when he doesn't have any idea whether his statement is accurate. (By tradition, that is "reckless" behavior. By tradition, many other unflattering terms may apply.)

It's our impression that Trump may tend to believe a lot of crazy claims. The next time he makes a ridiculous statement, it may be some crazy thing he has heard somewhere and really believes to be true.

Alas! The next time Trump makes a crazy statement, Kevin Drum will have no way of knowing which category the statement belongs to. Unfortunately, people like Drum can't get a simple point like this through their thick tribal heads.

It doesn't even matter whether it's a "lie:"

People like Drum will typically be working from a strange, Trump-like conception. It will seem to them that it's bold to say that somebody "lied," and that no other accusation, description or charge could possibly be effective.

Such thoughts should carry a label saying "mental age 2." Ther are many ways to call a crazy statement a crazy statement without feeling the need to start an argument through the use of our favored bomb, "lie."

Donald J. Trump makes ridiculous statements pretty much all the time. Sometimes he makes sweeping claims which fly in the face of established facts. Sometimes he makes sweeping claims—claims which transparently seem to be false—in the absence of any apparent evidence.

Sometimes he makes inflammatory statements which are so vaguely worded that it's hard to establish what he actually said.

(To this day, have you ever seen a competent paraphrase of what Trump said on June 16, 2015 about all those "rapists?" We haven't! Nor have we seen any liberal "intellectual leader" who seems to be aware of this interpretive problem, or of the best way to describe such sweeping insinuations.)

Increasingly, our hapless team knows only two words; we know the words "racist" and "liar." The use of either term is an almost surefire way to start a debate you're destined to lose, except in the minds of other tribals who are even dumber than you are.

The Conways and the McEnanys are thrilled when we take out our bombs. We need to learn to use our words. There are many more words than those two.

Let's repeat a basic complaint. Drum's childish attempts to define the term "lie" are the work of a man who sat out the 25 years of war which sent Trump to the White House.

On November 8, he decided to fight. Someone should tell him to stop.

Like many others, he's ducked this game his whole adult life. He brings few skills to this fight.

Coming: More on the lunacy of Kellyanne Conway, against whom Drum wants to unloose his most favoritest bomb

MOONLIGHT AND SCRIPT: Do the critics care about kids like Chiron?

WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 8, 2017

Part 3—The answer may be not so much:
The New York Times employs three film critics.

In their year-end musings on the best films of 2016, each praised Moonlight to the skies. One employed a bit of upper-end argot.

Manohla Dargis was perhaps most comical of the three amigos. Naming the film the year's third best, she praised its "lapidary visuals" as part of a very brief capsule.

Offering his own capsule of Moonlight, A.O. Scott extended his puzzling (and gruesome) formal review, a review we'll discuss tomorrow. Naming Moonlight the year's best film, he said, "The most eloquent testimony comes when words fail, when I run into someone on the street or at a party and they say, 'Moonlight,' and I say 'yeah, Moonlight,' and we take a deep breath because nothing more really needs to be said."

Gee, thanks for all the critical help! Where can the rest of us go to get paid employment like that?

(In his earlier formal review, Scott praised the way Moonlight "is infused with what the poet Hart Crane called 'infinite consanguinity.'" He closed by saying that he still can't decide what the film "is about.")

Among the Times' film critics, Dargis and Scott are the cultural lefties, the people inclined to articulate views which will quickly be derided as examples of "political correctness." Stephen Holden, the third film critic, is cast as the worn-out old coot.

Despite or because of this casting, Holden offered a surprise in his rather lengthy capsule treatment of Moonlight.

He too picked Moonlight as the year's best film. Indeed, he said it's one of the three best films of the past decade.

That said, Holden suggested a type of possibility we've long explored at this site. Among Holden's chic, white upper-class friends, the scribe seemed to say, nobody cares about black kids.

They certainly don't care about such kids if they're also gay drug dealers. Or at least, so Holden semi-said.

Below, you see Holden's full capsule. We think he, like many others, may be caught in a bit of a scripted stampede about Moonlight. But as he ends, he raises a very important question, a question about the actual values of our own self-impressed tribe:
HOLDEN (12/11/16): Kindness and tenderness, as opposed to tear-jerking melodrama, are traits not commonly associated with movies that aim primarily to thrill and excite. Genuine intimacy is so rarely encountered in film that when you come upon it, your tendency is to suspect that somehow you're being played.

But in Barry Jenkins's "Moonlight," my pick for the best movie of the year, there are moments of generosity and selflessness that take your breath away. This is an entirely human story in a medium enthralled by technology, violence and fantasy. As I watched the film, based on a play by Tarell Alvin McCraney, it held me in a state of awed recognition and remembrance of the times I was touched by transformational acts of gentleness and caring.

These radiant moments soften an otherwise tough movie, about Chiron, a gay black youth played by three different actors, growing up in a Miami housing project where he acquires the armor of a street thug to survive. Along with "Brokeback Mountain" and "Boyhood," it is one of the three finest movies of the last decade or so. Is it a coincidence that all three have male protagonists who instinctively resist patriarchal brutishness?

In its brokenhearted examination of race, class, privilege and inequality in modern America, "Moonlight" is one of several excellent movies set in places beyond the country's affluent enclaves. When I raved about "Moonlight" to several well-to-do white liberal friends and described Chiron, they politely took note but behaved as if I were telling them to eat their spinach.

These same people couldn't wait to see films like "The Big Short" and "The Wolf of Wall Street," about the financial chicanery and decadence of rich white crooks. This, then, is the America we're living in: The haves would rather not contemplate the suffering of the have-nots. And we are shocked to discover that our indifference has consequences.
Uh-oh! In the America Holden lives in, his well-to-do white liberal friends don't care about kids like Chiron! According to Holden, they'd rather not "contemplate the suffering" of a child who, at nine years of age, already seems to be traumatized—is "tiny, desperate, unwell."

Is Holden right about his friends? We have no way of knowing.

That said, we'll suggest that his unflattering claim might be true of his film critic colleagues and friends. We've read many major reviews of Moonlight. We can't say we've found a single reviewer who recorded the amount of suffering on display in this striking film.

To state the obvious, there's nothing "wrong" with making a film which puts a large amount of suffering on display. It may be that something is wrong when major critics review such a film, but seem unable to see, or unwilling to describe, that large amount of pain, and the terrible harm it produces.

In his own five-paragraph capsule, even Holden tends to toe this critical line. He does mention the fact that "suffering" is on display in Jenkins' striking film. But he mentions this fact in passing, quite late in his account.

In the main, Holden describes a film which seems to be dominated by other qualities—by kindness, tenderness and genuine intimacy; by moments of generosity and selflessness; by transformational acts of gentleness and caring.

Is that what Moonlight is like?

To state the obvious, any answer will involve matters of judgment. That said, that's very much what Moonlight is like according to the corporate entities which promoted the film.

Let's be clear: We're speaking here about the suits. We aren't necessarily describing Jenkins' view of his own film, which is about, and not about, his own early years in Miami.

Jenkins made a striking film; the suits sold it as uplifting. We haven't seen the full press kit, but this is the official summary offered by the distributor, A24:
Moonlight

A timeless story of human connection and self-discovery,
Moonlight chronicles the life of a young black man from childhood to adulthood as he struggles to find his place in the world while growing up in a rough neighborhood of Miami. At once a vital portrait of contemporary African American life and an intensely personal and poetic meditation on identity, family, friendship, and love, Moonlight is a groundbreaking piece of cinema that reverberates with deep compassion and universal truths. Anchored by extraordinary performances from a tremendous ensemble cast, Jenkins’s staggering, singular vision is profoundly moving in its portrayal of the moments, people, and unknowable forces that shape our lives and make us who we are.
(According to the leading authority, A24 is "an American independent entertainment company founded [in 2012] by Daniel Katz, David Fenkel, and John Hodges and based in New York City. It specializes in film production, finance, television production and distribution...Since their formation, A24 has been one of the most well-known independent film companies.")

A24 promoted Moonlight as "an intensely personal and poetic meditation" which "reverberates with deep compassion and universal truths." At the film's official site, the usual suspects color within these lines, as our journalists typically do when 1) a film comes from major established talent, or 2) when a film has been selected, by guild consensus, as a critical favorite.

To a remarkable extent, our journalists tend to be skilled at working from script. At Moonlight's official site, this is the first critical blurb that's offered:
Why Moonlight Matters

Its story may be sprinkled with drug dealers and addicts. But its message is clear: The world is richer and deeper and more complex than we ever imagined, and even its most troubled characters—just like us—are looking for love.

Stephen Galloway
The Hollywood Reporter
As it turns out, Chiron is just like us! Chiron is looking for love, "just like" we are.

Warning! People who peddle such masterful nonsense may not care about black kids! We've discussed this general problem for years. We'll return to the topic tomorrow.

For today, A24 is a business. Presumably, its suits were hoping that you and yours, and Holden's friends, would purchase tickets to Moonlight.

That said, did any critic, at any news org, describe the amount of suffering on display in this striking film? Did any critic even come close to describing the volume of suffering undergone by the child who's only 9 years old at the start of this film?

In our travels around the Net, the answer to date is no. We had to turn to LaLi Mohamed, up Canada way, to see Chiron's suffering described.

Holden seemed to say that his friends don't care about the suffering of kids like Chiron. Is it possible that his erudite, well-scripted colleagues may perhaps be a bit like his friends?

Tomorrow: LaLi Mohamed describes Chiron; Scott takes a Negro to lunch.

MOONLIGHT AND SCRIPT: Chiron is "tiny, desperate, unwell!"

TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 7, 2017

Part 2—Unless you read the reviews:
Moonlight has been described as "the best reviewed film of the year."

In her review in the Washington Post, Ann Hornaday described it that way. She then went a bit further:
HORNADAY (10/28/16): Now that it’s arriving in theaters throughout the rest of the country, viewers can finally see what all the fuss is about. And they will see a perfect film, one that exemplifies not only the formal and aesthetic capabilities of a medium at its most visually rich, but a capacity for empathy and compassion that reminds audiences of one of the chief reasons why we go to movies: to be moved, opened up and maybe permanently changed.
To Hornaday, Moonlight is "a perfect film, one that's marked by "a capacity for empathy and compassion." In Rolling Stone, David Fear batted away Moonlight's designation as perhaps the year's best film:

"The truth is that Moonlight would probably be the best movie of any year in which it came out," Fear opined.

Despite uniform rave reviews, Moonlight hasn't been a giant box office success. To state the obvious, ticket sales aren't, and never have been, a measure of cinematic quality. Still, among the nine films nominated for this year's Best Picture Oscar, Moonlight currently stands as least successful at the box office:
Domestic receipts as of February 5:
Hidden Figures: $119,402,095
La La Land: $118,306,924
Arrival: $98,641,635
Hacksaw Ridge: $66,361,363
Fences: $52,716,020
Manchester by the Sea: $43,914,563
Hell or High Water: $27,007,844
Lion: $24,711,674
Moonlight: $19,639,551
Those are the nine Best Picture nominees. For a glimpse of mammoth commercial success, domestic receipts for Rogue One stand at $524 million. Receipts for Deadpool, which made the occasional top ten list, are just under $263 million.

Ticket sales are not a measure of quality. Major critics have uniformly praised writer/director Barry Jenkins for the artistry of his film. With a few reservations which we'll eventually note, we're inclined to agree with them, though only from an amateur observation post.

That said, it's worth asking why the film, for all its critical raves, hasn't sold more tickets. While noting that Hidden Figures and Fences are also "black-themed" films, we'll suggest that Moonlight may have sold fewer tickets because it's protagonist is not only black, but is also poor and turns out to be gay.

Also, because the film has no major, well-known stars (as of yet). Also, because the film will strike some people as deeply, profoundly depressing. That's certainly the way Moonlight struck us the first time we saw it, last Monday.

Is Moonlight depressing? For us, on first viewing, it very much was. Its protagonist, a boy named Chiron, is nine years old when the film begins, and he seems to be deeply traumatized by the brutality, abandonment and abuse which, as we viewers will quickly see, virtually define the circumstances of his life, even at that tender age.

Chiron, who's 9, is being aggressively bullied at school, or at least after school lets out. His mother, a crack addict, already seems to be providing little help or guidance. Her conduct spirals downward through the course of the film.

In the earliest scenes of the film, Chiron is forced to hide in an abandoned town house to escape a group of boys who apparently want to beat him up. He's rescued, and treated with compassion, by Juan, the local drug dealer—and by Teresa, Juan's (somewhat strangely?) somewhat college-y seeming girl friend.

When Chiron is returned to his home the next day, it seems that this may not be the first time he has spent the night away from the home within which he has already been abandoned. Juan couldn't take Chiron home until the next day because he couldn't get Chiron to say where he lived—indeed, could barely induce Chiron to speak at all.

Even Teresa couldn't coax words from Chiron. Therein lies a tale.

Even at the start of this film, at age 9, Chiron is virtually catatonic. Casting ourselves in the role of a shrink, we'd say he seems to be traumatized. It isn't just that he's barely able to speak. He's barely able to take his eyes from the floor in various situations, an act of self-abnegation for which Teresa is still chiding him in his later teen-aged years.

To all appearances, Chiron, age 9, is already traumatized. And how remarkable! Almost fifty years ago, this child was described in a famous book which won a National Book Award.

We refer to Death at an Early Age, Jonathan Kozol's 1967 account of the year he spent teaching fourth grade in the Boston public schools. Kozol's book begins as shown below, with a portrait of one of those fourth grade children.

Back in 1967, Kozol described an 8-year-old boy named Stephen. With remarkable accuracy, he also described Moonlight's fictional protagonist at the (presumably) heartbreaking age of 9:
KOZOL (page 1): Stephen is eight years old. A picture of him standing in front of the bulletin board on Arab bedouins shows a little light-brown person staring with unusual concentration at a chosen spot upon the floor. Stephen is tiny, desperate, unwell. Sometimes he talks to himself. He moves his mouth as if he were talking. At other times he laughs out loud in class for no apparent reason. He is also an indescribably mild and unmalicious child...Nobody has complained about the things that have happened to Stephen because he does not have any mother or father.
Stephen was a ward of the state. But as with Stephen, so too here. At the start of Moonlight, Chiron, whose nickname is Little, is "tiny, desperate, unwell."

He too tends to "stare with unusual concentration at a chosen spot upon the floor." Persistently, he's unable to speak, even to look up from the street, floor or table before him.

Kozol's clairvoyance doesn't end there. Like Stephen, Chiron is "indescribably mild and unmalicious," just as Kozol said. And as with Stephen, so too with Chiron. "Nobody has complained about the things that have happened to" Chiron because, due to his mother's descent into addiction, "he does not have any [functioning] mother or father" either.

(Chiron's father plays no role in Moonlight. We don't think he's ever mentioned.)

Liker Kozol's Stephen, Barry Jenkins' Chiron is "tiny, desperate, unwell." Unless you read our major film critics describing the Jenkins film, where you will encounter few such observations.

Remarkably, Hornaday describes Chiron as "shy and guarded, the son of a loving mother (Naomie Harris) battling an addiction to drugs."

This description seems to look past Chiron's actual state, while giving his deeply unhelpful mother a major upgrade of the heartwarming type.

In the New York Times, A. O. Scott seems to display a similar type of blurred vision. At the start of his review, Scott claims he saw this:
SCOTT (10/21/16): To describe "Moonlight," Barry Jenkins's second feature, as a movie about growing up poor, black and gay would be accurate enough. It would also not be wrong to call it a movie about drug abuse, mass incarceration and school violence. But those classifications are also inadequate, so much as to be downright misleading. It would be truer to the mood and spirit of this breathtaking film to say that it's about teaching a child to swim, about cooking a meal for an old friend, about the feeling of sand on skin and the sound of waves on a darkened beach, about first kisses and lingering regrets. Based on the play "In Moonlight Black Boys Look Blue" by Tarell Alvin McCraney, "Moonlight" is both a disarmingly, at times almost unbearably personal film and an urgent social document, a hard look at American reality and a poem written in light, music and vivid human faces.

The stanzas consist of three chapters in the life of Chiron, played as a wide-eyed boy by Alex Hibbert, as a brooding adolescent by Ashton Sanders and as a mostly grown man by Trevante Rhodes.
The Chiron who appears on the screen at age 9 is tiny, desperate, unwell. But when he saw the film about which he gushes in remarkably scripted ways, Scott, the son of two professors, somehow thought he was watching "a wide-eyed boy" who would move on to brooding adolescence.

Long ago, Kozol said this: "Nobody has complained about the things that have happened to Stephen because he does not have any mother or father." Reading the many rave reviews penned by our cultural elite, we saw an ironic analogue.

Few of these people seem able to see the things which have happened to Chiron. We see little empathy for this suffering child. Were we instead seeing "empathy" for a favored film's press release?

Few of our critics seemed able to see "the things that have happened to" Chiron. Reading the reviews, then rewatching the film, a question arose:

Why is that?

Tomorrow: What one Canadian saw

Ashley Parker gets it right!

MONDAY, FEBRUARY 6, 2017

With Kevin Drum on deck:
Early this morning, a cheer went up from the team of youthful analysts who had been assigned to read the Washington Post.

Ashley Parker had gotten it right! Our years of hard work had finally begun to pay off!

At that start of January, Parker moved from the New York Times over to the Post. She'd spent her whole career at the Times, starting as "research assistant to Maureen Dowd," whatever that could possibly have meant.

How bad have things been along the way? As recently as November 2011, Parker co-wrote a front-page profile for the Times—a front-page profile of Leon de Magistris, "Mitt Romney's longtime hair stylist!"

No, really! It appeared on page one of the Times!

We could have given up on Parker right then and there. But like Tom Brady in last night's game, we skillfully kept our eye on the prize, offering the types of helpful advice a kid like Parker should have gotten from the big major stars at the Times.

This very morning, our years of hard work paid off! At her new Washington home, Parker was reporting on the latest absurd development from Donald J. Trump's house of gongs. Mike Pence will probe those voting issues! Right at the start of Parker's report, the analysts found reason to cheer:
PARKER (2/6/17): Vice President Pence will lead a commission to investigate voter registration issues, President Trump said Sunday.

In an interview with Fox News’s Bill O’Reilly before Super Bowl LI, Trump—who shortly after taking office told congressional lawmakers that 3 to 5 million illegal votes had cost him the popular vote against Hillary Clinton—reiterated his concerns about voter irregularities, saying he planned to task his vice president with looking into concerns about voter registration.

“I’m going to set up a commission...headed by Vice President Mike Pence, and we’re going to look at it very, very carefully,” Trump said.

Despite no credible evidence that any massive voter fraud occurred during the 2016 presidential race, especially on the scale Trump suggested, the president has continued to push the theory, much to the chagrin of some of his aides and many congressional leaders.
Despite the great feeling it would have provided, Ashley Parker didn't say that Donald J. Trump had lied. As a good reporter should, she managed to restrict herself to the things she actually knows.

There is "no credible evidence that any massive voter fraud occurred during the 2016 presidential race, especially on the scale Trump suggested," Parker successfully reported. A drumbeat of such disciplined work will soon overtake the gorilla dust churned by those who excite the base by pretending to divine the fact that some loathed figure has lied.

The analysts cheered the person they now call "the new Ashley Parker." Earlier, though, they'd been grinding their teeth over the newly puzzling figure they've long described as their "Uncle Drum."

In response to a highly controversial post, the analysts had been comparing their Uncle Drum to the haughty quarterback, Matt Ryan, who failed to show sufficient respect for the aforementioned Brady last night. We could of course see the analysts' point.

Showing Parker-like restraint, we refused to affirm their claims.

"At long last, your Uncle Drum has started talking about it," we said. Indeed, in the controversial post in question, Drum had come clean about what had become of the old Kevin Drum.

What have they done with the old Kevin Drum? The new Kevin Drum gave an explicit answer this weekend. We'd say that his explicit answer only tends to support our point about his recent unruly behavior.

The new Kevin Drum has arrived on the scene as many as twenty-fives years late. Tomorrow, we'll survey the transient damage, even as we praise the Drumcat's years of invaluable work.

MOONLIGHT AND SCRIPT: Is Moonlight depressing?

MONDAY, FEBRUARY 6, 2017

Part 1—Abandonment and abuse:
Is the widely-acclaimed (but little seen) feature film Moonlight depressing?

On Saturday afternoon, we saw the Oscar-nominated film for the second time. We pose our question for two reasons, stemming from the experience we had the first time we saw the film.

We saw Moonlight for the first time one week ago. In was a low ticket price Monday matinee. Few people were in attendance at the slightly weird old Senator, John Waters' current home court.

(Remind us to tell you about the time we opened for John Waters!)

Before the movie began, a group of 60-something women were discussing which Oscar-nominated films they'd already seen. One of the women said her friends hadn't wanted to come with her to see Moonlight because they'd heard, or at least had the idea, that the film is "depressing" (her word).

That was before the film began. When we actually watched the film that day, we found it very depressing.

In a nutshell, here's why. We won't be avoiding spoilers:

We're not sure when we've seen a character in a film subjected to so much brutality, abandonment and abuse. Fleshing out our report, the character in question is 9 or possibly 10 years old when Moonlight begins.

Already, he's virtually catatonic. Very early in the film, we start to see the sources of his apparent traumatization.

The abuse, and the results of same, remain on vivid display throughout the course of the film. That extends through the film's widely-praised closing scene or scenes, when we learn that the character, who's 26 or 27 by now, seems to have had one intimate sexual experience in the course of his life.

Rather plainly, that seems to be one result of the endless, extreme mistreatment we've witnessed for the previous two hours. Did we mention the fact that this person is only 9 years old at the start of the film? That he already carries himself like a deeply traumatized child?

We don't know when we've seen so much abandonment and abuse visited on a character. We found this portrait deeply depressing, in part because it made us think of how many actual kids presumably suffer from similar forms of mistreatment.

We found Moonlight quite depressing the first time we saw it. When we saw it again this weekend, we basically enjoyed the film.

We were glad that we'd seen it again. Largely because we understood, coming in, what we would be seeing, we were able to view the film as exposition and argument, as the work of fiction it actually (pretty much) is.

Why did we go to see Moonlight again? Largely from a sense of puzzlement.

You see, after seeing the film the first time, we came home and read a string of major reviews. We were struck by the observations and accounts which didn't appear in these rave reviews.

Had any of these major reviewers watched the same film we had? None of them seemed to have any sense of the amount of abuse they'd seen portrayed in the course of the film. To the extent that they did understand what they'd seen, they seemed perhaps disinclined to describe it.

We went to see the film a second time out of puzzlement at these reviews. We wanted to compare the events on the screen to the accounts of the film we'd been reading for several days.

The second time around, we didn't find Moonlight depressing. That said, the events it portrays were still horrific, unless you possibly maybe think that certain small children don't count.

Little that we say this week will be meant as a criticism of Barry Jenkins, the talented person who wrote and directed Moonlight. We aren't cineastes or film critics here, but we're inclined to agree with a universal judgment among those who are:

Barry Jenkins, writer/director of Moonlight, strikes us as a very bright person who's also highly skilled.

That said, Jenkins didn't write the reviews of his film. (We're prepared to assume that the film's press kit may have helped.) Our nation's top-ranking film critics wrote the reviews of this film.

We remain fascinated by those reviews, which almost seem to work from script even more than Jenkins' talented actors did. In our view, the things those reviews said, and didn't say, may tell us about the shape of our journalism, and maybe possibly just perhaps about the shape of our tribe and our world.

Tomorrow: Live and direct from the 1960s:

"Stephen is eight years old...tiny, desperate, unwell."

Kessler (and Drum) fact-check Kellyanne!

SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 4, 2017

Pinocchios all around:
Especially at the top, the Trump administration is full of people who may perhaps seem "unwell."

We'd place Bannon, Flynn and Trump himself at the top of that pile. We'd also look to Kellyanne Conway, who has furiously done it again.

As the leading authority skillfully tells us, Conway "is an American political activist currently serving as Counselor to President Donald [J.] Trump." In that role, she has demonstrated at least three major skills:

She has demonstrated 1) the ability to avoid responding to any question at all, and 2) the ability to reply to any question about her boss by immediately discussing the acts of someone else.

Most significantly, she had demonstrated 3) the ability to Take Offense at Any Word That Has Ever Been Spoken by Any Person On the Face of the Earth.

In this grievance-spewing role, Conway appeared on Wednesday evening's Hardball. She spoke with Chris Matthews, who isn't inclined to criticize someone whose first name includes the word "Kelly."

At the end of the interview, Matthews praised Conway for what he called her "brilliant counterattacks." Earlier, though, she had done it again! Earlier, she had said this:
CONWAY (2/2/17): Two Iraqis came here to this country, were radicalized, and they were the masterminds behind the Bowling Green massacre. Most people didn’t know that because it didn’t get covered.
Matthews didn't challenge any part of that statement. We can't say that he can fairly be blamed him for that.

That said, Conway's statement was riddled with errors. At least one of her errors actually cut against her own team's basic frameworks.

By now, Conway has been widely assailed for (some of) the misstatements in that passage. Let's consider the fact-check performed by the Washington Post's Glenn Kessler, who left that passage in shreds but failed to assign any Pinocchios to the president's angriest flack.

On the whole, Kessler gives a reasonably decent account of Conway's error-riddled statement. For starters, he notes that there is, and was, no such thing as "the Bowling Green massacre," an obvious point to which Conway has actually acceded.

Kessler provides the basic facts about the incident in question at Bowling Green, Kentucky—an incident which didn't involve a "massacre" or any deaths at all. That said, the incident did involve the arrest of two Iraqis, each of whom later pled guilty to federal terrorism charges. Each of the men had been involved in attacks on Americans forces when they still lived in Iraq.

If you want to review the basic facts, we'll recommend Kessler's piece. That said, Kessler made some slightly strange decisions in the course of his fact-check. Just to establish the record, this is his nugget assessment:
KESSLER (2/3/17): In defending President Trump’s executive order temporarily banning refugees, immigrants and citizens from Iraq and six other Muslim-majority countries, Conway referred to something that didn’t happen—the “Bowling Green massacre.” (She also incorrectly said that President Barack Obama “banned” Iraqi refugees, which we have previously fact-checked as false.)

Conway was on her way to a Four-Pinocchio rating when, about an hour and a half after The Fact Checker sent her a query about her remarks, she tweeted that she meant to say “Bowling Green terrorists.”
Oops! Kessler identifies two major misstatements by Conway. He also says that Conway tweeted a claim about what she meant to say.

Conway's tweet makes it sound like she made an honest mistake. We'd say that's one of the possibilities, but Kessler vouches for this unverifiable claim at several points in his fact-check. At one point, he goes beyond what Conway tweeted, identifying the actual "'massacre' that Conway was referring to."

Why would a fact-checker do such a thing? We have no idea. Kessler also makes this peculiar statement about the actual events in Bowling Green:

"Although Conway claimed that the media did not cover the story, the arrests caused an uproar in Congress."

As you can see, the second part of Kessler's statement doesn't relate to the first. The fact that the arrest "caused an uproar in Congress" doesn't speak to Conway's claim about a lack of press coverage.

In fact, there was zero coverage of the massacre, because no such event occurred. But there were two arrests and two guilty pleas, and if we want to tell the whole story, those arrests and pleas don't seem to have gotten a lot of coverage from the Washington Post or the New York Times.

As best we can tell from the Nexis archive, the Post and the Times barely mentioned the arrests of the two Iraqis and the later guilty pleas. If we want to tell the full story, we'll at least give Conway that.

That said, Kessler's construction failed to address Conway's claim about the lack of coverage. It also led us away from any questions we might have about his own newspaper's performance.

On the whole, we'd give Kessler some semi-Pinocchios for the way he treated Conway's performance. In his strangest decision, he seemed to vouch for Conway's good faith, although he had no apparent basis for doing so.

Beyond that, he avoided granting Pinocchios without explaining why he did so. A cynic could even suspect that he fudged one part of his fact-check in service to his own paper.

If we were inclined to hand out stickers, we'd be inclined to grant some semi-Pinocchios here. But we'd also have to grant some stickers to Kevin Drum, who took an equal-but-opposite flawed approach to Conway's error-strewn effort.

What have they done with the real Kevin Drum? In his own furious, snark-heavy post, Drum asserts that Conway didn't make an honest mistake in her error-strewn recitation.

"Do not for a second think that this wasn't deliberate," Drum says. Where Kessler leaps to vouch for Conway's good faith, Drum leaps in the other direction.

Losers, can we talk? This is precisely the type of assertion that Fox bats away in its sleep. Even the slowest performers at Fox could handle Drum's unfounded claim. As they did, they'd tell Fox viewers that they shouldn't believe a single word a fellow like Drum ever says.

It's plain that Conway made several misstatements on Hardball. Is it possible that her misstatements were made in some type of good faith? That she actually bungled the giant pile of index cards which are constantly fluttering around inside her grievance-fueled head?

In our view, she may have known that she was misstating; it's possible that she didn't. In part, we say that because one of her misstatements on Hardball tends to cut against her own side. Once again, here's what she said:

"Two Iraqis came here to this country, were radicalized, and they were the masterminds behind the Bowling Green massacre. Most people didn’t know that because it didn’t get covered."

In fact, the Iraqis in question were already active, radicalized operatives before they entered the U.S., in at least one case on a refugee visa. Their entry into the country was, in fact, a breakdown in vetting procedures.

Recognizing this fact, the Obama administration took steps to re-examine those procedures. But Conway's misstatement of the chronology tends to cut against the way her team wants us to think about the dangers which inevitably adhere to the practice of admitting any refugees at all.

As with any other procedure, there will always be the possibility of errors in vetting. Conway's error in chronology actually directs our attention away from this wonderfully frightening fact.

Kessler vouches for Conway's good faith; Drum insists on the opposite judgment. In truth, neither fellow can defend his claim. Drum's claim, though highly pleasing, is precisely the type of claim Fox stars bat away in their sleep.

Over Here within Our Own Tents, it feels good to gobble the porridge Drum served in this instance. That porridge left us with two questions, though:

What have they done with the real Kevin Drum? And who have they put in his place?

We'd also tag Kessler for this: Kessler goes too easy on Conway in one other respect. We refer to the trademark acts of misdirection she committed in the course of acknowledging her basic misstatement.

No one misdirects quite the way Conway does! Consider this puzzling tweet by Conway, which Kessler quotes but glosses:

"Honest mistakes abound. Last night, prominent editor of liberal site apologized for almost running a story re: tweet from fake account."

This tweet advances Conway's claim that she made an "honest mistake." In the course of making that claim, she behaves in Trademark Conway Fashion, calling attention to something some "prominent liberal" allegedly did.

This qualifies as a definitive act of Look-Over-There Conwayism. That said, does this tweet even make sense?

To us, it pretty much doesn't. Why would someone "apologize" for an error he or she "almost" committed? This is a classic Conway play. Inevitably, it doesn't make sense.

Might we make one final point? In his own post, Drum mocks Matthews for failing to correct Conway's misstatements on the fly, in real time.

We're sorry, but that doesn't make much sense either. Big cable stars should know many facts. They can't know every one.

The New York Times examines the pushback!

FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 3, 2017

Best ways to dress for a fight:
Twenty-five years too late, the liberal and mainstream worlds have begun pushing back hard against the forces of Trumpistry.

Professor's Wang's percentages are very much yesterday by now. As of today, it's all about the fight.

Luckily, the New York Times has kept us abreast of the best ways to dress for the struggle. We'll link you to a quartet of recent primers.

On January 23, Joanna Nikas, writing in Thursday Styles, produced us an important feature.

"LIFE AS A RUNWAY," the headline said. "What 11 Protesters Wore to the Women’s March on Washington."

"Tell me about your outfit," Nikas said to [Name Withheld], one of the Washington marchers.

"This is a vintage wool coat by Louis Dell’Olio," the woman replied. "He used to design for Anne Klein and Donna Karan way back in the ’70s. My pants are Karl Lagerfeld and the shoes are Jimmy Choo. And the hat I bought in London at a hat shop there."

Nikas told Name Withheld that her hat "reminds me of the beret that Che Guevara wore."

"I thought about that actually," Name Withheld replied. "It’s a little militant, because I tilt it to the side."

Last Sunday, on the front page of Styles, Vanessa Friedman extended the theme with a piece entitled, "Couture in the Shadow of the Women’s March/What does female empowerment look like in a discipline defined by fantasy and tradition?"

We're not sure why Friedman's piece referenced the women's march. Her observations came to us live and direct from Paris, and seemed to have nothing to do with earlier events in D.C.

Thoughtfully, Friedman finished like this:
FRIEDMAN (1/29/17): It’s worth noting that, while Chanel (like Gaultier) is one of the few houses left that still closes its show with a bride—Elie Saab and Ralph & Russo also cling on, but most have jettisoned that anachronism—this time around she had lost her veil and simply strode the runway in a long pink dress. There was a cascade of ruffles at the sleeves and skirt, but look closer and the latter was cut just high enough in the front to allow freedom of movement.

Or, put another way: progress.
If we might: Oh freedom!

As of yesterday morning, the Times seemed determined to see how far it could push its characteristic foppistry. On the front page of Thursday Styles, Guy Trebay offered a piece which carried this headline: "Political Fashion Statements at the Men’s Wear Shows." The featured photograph sat atop a jaunty caption:

"The Private Policy presentation in New York, where a multiracial cast of models had words like 'terrorist' written on their foreheads or cheeks." The photograph filled the whole top half of the page.

At one point, Trebay let himself reminisce a bit. In fairness, most of what follows would have gone without saying:
TREBAY (2/2/17): Wearing dazed expressions that made some look as though they had forgotten to take their meds, an array of street-cast models paraded around a Chelsea showroom. The coats they wore were adapted from utility blankets slung over multiple layers. One model wore a denim jacket pulled over a woolen coat squeezed atop a nubby Aran Island fisherman’s sweater that was tucked into a pair of the baggy pants that have been all the rage in Tokyo for a while now and that are slowly making inroads in the West. Still another jacket was knotted at the neck like a scarf.

Streets and rail yards are familiar territory in fashion. Few can forget John Galliano’s “homeless chic” 2000 show for Dior, in which purposely raggedy models strutted onto the runway swathed in “newspapers,” clothes with torn linings or inside-out labels, frayed tulle glad rags, belts slung with little green empties of J&B whiskey.
The empties were a nice touch.

Also yesterday, on the front page of Arts, Cara Buckley reviewed the current state of political acceptance speeches at Hollywood's let's-give-ourselves-some-awards shows. "If current trends hold," Buckley reported, "using stage time at the Academy Awards to take a stand won’t be just de rigueur, but expected."

It sounds like Trump's days will be few!

In fairness, the foppishness of such pieces doesn't completely define the Times. But this is part of the New York Times, as was twenty-five years of perfect political bullshit paving the way for Trump.

How could we have done it: How could we have omitted Matthew Schneier's January 24 piece, "Men’s Fashion Designers Grapple With the Rise of Trump?"

Like Friedman, Schneier wrote from Paris, France, where Trump was taking some serious lumps at a couture klatch:
SCHNEIER (1/24/17): Maybe it was happenstance that, as President Trump spent months campaigning on his business experience, the idea of business and businessmen seeped into collections, even if only to be batted away. Jonny Johansson, the creative director of Acne, said he started designing his new collection with the notion of “an ’80s businessman.” Mr. Johansson waited a beat. “I had to reform him.”

His models wore suits and tailored jackets, but they came in the kind of bulky, hairy fabrics and modishly rounded shapes unlikely ever to be seen in a boardroom.

“Nobody wants to be a businessman anymore,” Mr. Johansson said.
Johansson, creative director of Acne, was hitting Trump extra hard.

If you're like us, you dream of the day when Trump will be frogmarched out of the White House wearing bulky, hairy fabrics, along with rounded shapes which are foreign to the boardroom and to the Oval.

Live and direct from Paris, France, the Times was letting us dream.

USING OUR WORDS: Donald J. Trump and our "Muslim ban" talk!

FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 3, 2017

Part 4—Concerning the role of Power:
Has American president Donald J. Trump imposed a "Muslim ban?"

It certainly feels good to say so! Unfortunately, this feel-good claim is also amazingly easy to bat away.

Can we talk? The vast majority of the world's Muslims weren't affected by Donald J. Trump's executive order last week. In what sense, then, can that order be described as a "Muslim ban?"

(Warning! People like Us will never tire of the task of finding answers to that question. We love to use our harshest words in pursuit of those we dislike. Owing to our true belief and our low IQs, we rarely shrink from the task of defending our uses of words.)

On the Fox News Channel, it's amazingly easy to bat away the claim of a "Muslim ban." In the process, it's amazingly easy to tell millions of viewers that they shouldn't believe a thing "the liberals" say.

(It's even easy to bat away the ridicule aimed at Kellyanne Conway for her use of the term, "alternative facts." We were watching Hannity on the occasion when he and Conway accomplished this remarkably easy task. Conway is one of the most ridiculous people in public life today. But it was amazingly easy to bat away the childish complaint on which our tribe has settled.)

It's time for us liberals to accept a key point—as a group, we just aren't super smart. As an example of what we mean, consider what Nicholas Kristof has now said.

In yesterday's column in the Times, Kristof was making a string of good, if dangerous, points. (We liberals aren't supposed to say some of the things he said in the passage we'll show you.)

Kristof was making a string of good points! Then, he decided to paraphrase what the increasingly crazy Rudy Giuliani is pleasingly said to have said:
KRISTOF (2/2/17): I don’t want to take Trump-as-an-extremist too far: He’s not beheading anyone, and the security challenge is real. Nobody has a problem with improving safety, and Presidents George W. Bush and Barack Obama both oversaw improvements in vetting. Yet Trump tackled the issue in a way that bolsters the ISIS narrative and thus makes us less safe.

In effect, Trump took a real problem, inflated it with hysteria, handled it with incompetence and created an unjust policy that targets seven mostly impoverished Muslim countries that haven’t produced a single person involved in a lethal terrorist attack in America since before 9/11. Islamophobia swirls through the order, and Rudy Giuliani has helpfully explained that Trump asked him to devise a way to create a Muslim ban and “do it legally.”
Careful, Kristof! We aren't supposed to say things like "the security challenge is real."

We aren't supposed to say that the security challenge constitutes "a real problem." That tends to limit the joy we can take from dropping R-bombs on the heads of those who react to that challenge in ways with which we differ.

Despite those gaffes, Kristof was making excellent points in that passage. He said Trump's crazy approach to that real challenge was making a real problem worse.

But then, he just couldn't help himself! Despite his educational advantages, Nicholas Kristof just isn't real skilled when it comes to using his words:

Did Rudy Giuliani "explain that Trump asked him to devise a way to create a Muslim ban?" More expansively, did Rudy say that Trump told him "to create a Muslim ban and 'do it legally?'"

Actually, no—the crazy ex-mayor actually didn't say that! Claims like that can feel very good inside our tribal bubble. But out in the wider world, silly, childish claims like that can be batted away with great ease.

This raises the question of paraphrase. At this juncture, we'll raise a point of personal privilege.

As Journalist Barbie once said, "paraphrase is hard!" (Editor Ken agreed.) Here's why the helpmates said that:

Paraphrase is basically always subjective. There are no ultimate rules we can apply to show that a paraphrase of someone's remarks is accurate, reasonable, fair.

For that reason, the power to paraphrase is the power to spin. Paraphrase is easily abused. People need a measure of skill to handle this dangerous tool.

Long ago, we spent years immersed in paraphrase studies. We did so because the twenty months of Campaign 2000 involved unrelenting abuse of the practice, with mainstream journalists agreeing, as a group, to put strange, even ridiculous, claims into one candidate's mouth.

(On occasion, they flatly misquoted the candidate. For the most part, the candidate was taken down by inventive paraphrase, not by "misquotation.")

We liberals just sat there and took it. Years later, we slowly came to the obvious conclusion. The issues raised by those acts of faithless paraphrase went beyond the intellectual skills of our own liberal tribe. These issues were also beyond the reach of the bulk of the mainstream press.

We liberals! We simply weren't smart enough to diagnose the dissembling which dominated the coverage of that fateful campaign. Nor were we rank-and-file liberals smart enough to see that we were being played by leading "liberal" figures within the mainstream press.

(For one of the craziest statements of all time, we still recommend Jonathan Chait's account of the New York Times' coverage of Candidate Gore. On the bright side, Chait's ridiculous account of what the Times did has presumably helped him stay "viable within the system.")

In truth, our team just isn't especially sharp; this seems to be a basic fact about the human condition. But within our own tribe, this lack of skill intersects with a second problem:

For decades, we liberals have told ourselves that we're just exceptionally bright—that the dumb ones are all Over There. This is a very basic part of our enduring tribal belief. It blinds us to the actual ways we've greased the skids, in the past thirty years, for the rise of a President Trump.

Did Donald J. Trump impose a "Muslim ban?" If you're three years old, yes—he did.

Did he tell "his latest lie" in the instance screeched about here? Sadly, we'll offer that same assessment.

We liberals have loved our R-bombs for a good many years. We're almost as fond of our L-bomb now. We'll offer two basic thoughts about the childish, silly, self-defeating ways we use our words.

First, we'll suggest that you should consider the role of Power. As a general matter, the loosening of procedural constraints will tend to serve the interests of Power.

During the civil rights era, brilliant strategist wanted Power to be constrained by the rule of law. When adherence to procedure is loosened, Power will generally gain a great advantage.

This is likely true in the use of our words. If we loosen the rules which govern the throwing of bombs, Power is likely to gain. In the current circumstance, consider the slow, but steady erosion of traditional strictures against the use of the L-bomb. Right up through this last election, which party has been harmed by the assertion that its candidates lie?

(In Campaign 2000, the candidate of the more liberal party was the press corps' big giant liar. This was done by the mainstream press, not by the RNC. In 2016, the crazy dissembling of Candidate Trump was overlooked as the clowning clowns of the mainstream press worried about the character flaws of Candidate Clinton! When liberals grant these people additional license, that license will tend to be used in service to Power.)

The second point we'll recommend is this:

Unless your mental age if 3, you don't have to overstate what you actually know to devastate Donald J. Trump. You don't have to say he has "lied" to challenge the dangerous craziness which is involved in his endless stream of bogus, ridiculous statements.

He persistently makes ridiculous claims in the absence of any evidence. He persistently makes unlikely claims which are contradicted by all available evidence.

Our English language affords us many ways to describe this crazy, disturbing behavior. If we learned to use those words, Trump's craziness is easily described. But because our mental age is 3, we tend to run to unsupportable claims using our favorite bombs, to claims which are easy to bat away.

(We run to unsupportable claims. This, of course, is what Trump does.)

We're sorry, but no—Rudy didn't say that. That said, the past twenty-five years have served to make something clear:

Our emotions, and our intellectual skills, don't equip us to see such things. We're very, very easy to beat. The data we'll show you again down below help prove that obvious point.

Very, very easy to beat: We're very, very easy to beat. You know that because Our Own Rhodes Scholar started last night's TV show with this typical crap:
MADDOW (2/2/17): And thanks to you at home for staying with us for the next hour.

You know how some politicians always sound a little drunk? Like even when there's no reason to think they've been drinking—I'm not accused of anybody of drinking on the job!—there are some people in public life where there's just something about them that innately seems a little tipsy, particularly when they're happy?
Friend, do you think that sounds like a groanworthy premise from a comedy club? If so, you're thinking quite clearly.

But so what? This ridiculous corporate stooge went on and on last night, offering examples of politicians on several continents who "always sound a little drunk." Particularly when they're happy!

She laughed and laughed at her own hilarity. Off-camera, stooges from her ridiculous staff joined in the raucous laughter. Later, she offered additional wonderful humor aimed at the way Trump's press secretary once got an acronym wrong. We're offered this crap every night.

Rachel Maddow is a multimillionaire corporate clown. Our team flocks to her TV show each night. This helps show how unimpressive we actually are. It's dangerous that we don't understand such facts about ourselves.

Darling Rachel's mugging and clowning are on display each night. Below, you see astonishing data, data you'll never see discussed on her TV show:
Per person health care spending, 2015
United States: $9451
France: $4407
You'll never see those data discussed by Our Own Rhodes Scholar. She'd jump off the Golden Gate Bridge before she'd break faith with her owners.

(Do you fail to see why those data are central? If so, that's what we mean!)

You won't see Kristof go there either. Our team just sits there and takes it, year after year after year. Instead of complaining about the looting reflected in those astonishing figures, we prefer to mock 59-year-old women who can't afford medical care.

Why won't Those People vote our way? As we pleasure ourselves with our "Muslim ban" talk, we liberals can't figure it out!

USING OUR WORDS: The slender blonde who's smarter than Us!

THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 2, 2017

Part 3—McEnany's wins:
We were amused, and not amused, by what we found when we googled Kayleigh McEnany again.

Who is Kayleigh McEnany? On a few occasions in the past year, we've tried to find out.

The basics are fairly simple. As explained in The New Yorker last fall, McEnany "is a twenty-eight-year-old Harvard Law School graduate who interned in the second Bush Administration and has supported Donald Trump since the primaries."

More specifically, McEnany has supported Trump on CNN, where she became a leading figure in the channel's million-member stable of "Trump explainers."

Primarily as a way to pretend that it was covering the White House campaign, CNN produced endless pundit discussions over the past two years. These cast-of-thousands pundit discussions would match reliable Trump supporters with reliable Trump detractors.

McEnany, 28, was one of the Trump supporters. We were amused, and not amused, by something we noticed yesterday when we googled her again.

Please understand. McEnany isn't just 28 and a Harvard law graduate. She's slender and blond and she comes from Tampa. In TV programming terms, she rates as conventionally attractive. This guaranteed that many liberal and mainstream halfwits would believe she was constantly being bested by CNN's stable of anti-Trump hacks.

Google provides many headlines testifying to McEnany's alleged defeats. We clicked on a headline from The Daily Beast, only to find a youngish male scribe snarking about this youngest of all "the Trumpkins:"
KIRELL (2/23/16): Similarly, cable news upstart Kayleigh McEnany has become a go-to for CNN on all things Trump. Easily the youngest of the Trumpkins, McEnany, 27, got her start as a Bush White House intern and eventually graduated to the hallowed halls of Fox News, working on Mike Huckabee’s show before seeking her own on-air career (which, at one point, included an audition for The View).

Trump’s candidacy has given the Harvard Law student an opening to appear frequently on the high-profile cable channels. Initially skeptical of the candidate (she told CNN in July that Trump ought to “tone it down” lest he become “another Todd Akin”—oh, how times change), McEnany now routinely shows up on CNN billed as a “Trump supporter.”

Really, it’s no surprise such a committed self-aggrandizer has attracted so many fans of the spotlight. If anything, he’s the king of fearless media hounds.
Hiss! Hiss-spit! Meee-ow! But that's the way our team tends to play. The truth is, we aren't hugely bright.

We decided to check the fuller text of what McEnany said that night. Below, we'll link you to the tape of what she actually said.

We decided to check because we've spent the past year watching liberal pundits lose debates to this "youngest Trumpkin." Let's fill in a bit more of her background:

McEnany hails from Tampa. As noted, she's youngish, slender and blonde. In that sense, she's cable-ready.

Did we mention the fact that she's also a recent Harvard Law School grad? Here's the slightly peculiar route she took to CNN:

Despite the fact the she's from Tampa, McEnany got her undergraduate degree from Georgetown, where she majored in foreign service. She then spent a year studying at Oxford, where she was likely recruited by Putin, a bit like the young Bill Clinton, who ran off to Moscow before her.

From Oxford, McEnany returned to Florida. She enrolled in the University of Miami Law School, where she seems to have been in the top one percent of her class.

To us, the story gets peculiarsome with her transfer to Harvard Law School. We'd never heard of law school transfers at all, let alone to Harvard Law, which is second only to the undergraduate Wharton School as the most selective institution in the history of the known world, including the whole solar system.

At any rate, McEany took that route—and ended up on CNN as one of its most frequently-used Trump explainers. She spent the past year winning debates with our team, or at least breaking even, although Google headlines suggest that we're the only ones over here in Our Tribe who were able to see this occur.

The truth is, we liberals frequently make it easy for The Others, in part because of the unimpressive ways we use our words. Tomorrow, for an example, we'll look at the ridiculous paraphrase uncorked by Nicholas Kristof today in his latest New York Times column.

Did Giuliani really say what Kristof says he said? Please. But then, our leaders are often highly unskilled when they use, or perhaps when they fail to use, their many and varied words.

Alas! When our teammates play it that way, they make it easy for a player like McEnany, who may be slender and blond but who is also extremely bright and very quick on her feet.

We pseudo-liberals! Again and again and again and again, our lack of skill at using our words is matched by our silly self-confidence. Year after year, for many decades, we've told ourselves that We Liberals are exceptionally bright, while Those People Over There are just extremely dumb.

The evidence suggest that many of Us have come to believe this twaddle! We use our words with little skill, engineering defeat as we do, and yet we manage to remain convinced that we've won every debate.

Might we cite one hypothetical example? When we casually say that Person X has "lied," we make the world extremely easy for people as bright as McEnany. Our silliest boys will then stand in line to insist that the slender thin blonde didn't win the (pointless) debate. But people as sharp as McEnany eat such boys for lunch.

Does it matter when we pleasure ourselves by dropping our various bombs? When we scatter our R-bombs around the land? When we casually but pleasingly say Person X has "lied?"

Yes, it actually matters! When we play our childish games, skillful figures like McEnany may eat us for a quick brunch.

Dumbly, without so much as knowing, we will have initiated a second discussion, a debate about how we can know that Donald J. Trump has "lied." This second discussion leads us away from whatever crazy, unhinged thing Donald J. Trump has just said.

We find ourselves in an ancillary discussion, a debate about how we know that he "lied." We'll dumbly believe that we won that debate, but no one else in TV land will see it the way We do.

We pseudos! Through our unskilled overstatements, we constantly trigger debates which we aren't likely to win. These childish errors are of course completely unforced.

If we knew how to use our words, we'd realize that you can devastate a crackpot like Trump without moving beyond the claims you can clearly defend and define. Because we aren't as smart as the people we mock, we don't understand such basic points. And, after the dust has settled, we aren't even able to see that we just got beaten about the head and ears.

By the way, what did McEnany actually say about Donald J. Trump that night? The silly child at The Beast made it sound like McEnany wasn't defending Trump at that juncture, when he stood in second place in the GOP primary race.

"Oh, how times change," our enabler said. One thing that hasn't changed in the past thirty years is the world-class haplessness of the scribes who pleasure us in such ways.

What did McEnany say that night about Candidate Donald J. Trump? Because we're liberals, the chances are good that we won't be able to discern that The Beast's account was off track.

That said, she did defend Trump that night; she did so with skill and aplomb. You can watch the tape right here. It runs just over six minutes; the link was right there at The Beast.

Nothing "changed" in McEnany's approach after that night. The Beast was just playing us, for the ten millionth time, when it served us the type of snark we love.

According to the scripts we love, McEnany just had to be fake, a shape-shifting "fan of the spotlight." In fact, she didn't shift her shape at all. McEnany, a Harvard Law grad, performed with great skill for two years.

We liberals! We reveled in bullroar of that type all through Campaign 2016. After decades of napping in the woods, we woke up to see that Trump won!

We started marching the very next day. Through decades of failures by "leadership," our trucks arrived late at the blaze.

Tomorrow: Concerning the role of The Interests and Power. Also, the power of all our words

Next week: Crafting our own defeat

We were stunned by this morning's Washington Post!

WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 1, 2017

In volume, the Post gets it right:
We were stunned by the wealth of reporting and analysis in this morning's Washington Post.

Don't get us wrong! Twenty-five years of progressive, liberal and mainstream press failure has given us our President Trump. For decades, our hapless tribes all slept in the woods. At this point, nothing can fix the disaster our incompetence and lethargy have given us.

That said, today's Washington Post was stuffed to the gills with reporting, opinion and analysis. Some of the analysis was less than perfect, and Dana Milbank's lazy opinion column deserved an old-fashioned gentleman's D.

But it seems to us that the Washington Post is making a giant belated effort of late. We especially recommend the front-page profile of the Rasputin-like Steven K. Bannon, helpmate to Donald J. Trump.

The profile, written by Sellers and Fahrenthold, runs just over 1900 words. Among its various elements, we invite you to note the parts of Bannon's apparent world view which would be termed "progressive" if we had any such movement or point of view within our failing political culture.

We refer, for example, to this analysis of the world's alleged class divide:
SELLERS AND FAHRENTHOLD (2/1/17): In his public statements, Bannon espoused a basic idea that Trump would later seize as the centerpiece of his campaign.

While others saw the world rebounding from the financial crisis of 2008, Bannon just saw it becoming more divided by class.

The elites that had caused the crisis—or, at least, failed to stop it—were now rising higher.
Everyone else was being left behind.

"The middle class, the working men and women in the world...are just tired of being dictated to by what we call the party of Davos," Bannon said in a 2014 speech to a conference at the Vatican in a recording obtained by BuzzFeed. Davos is a Swiss ski resort that hosts an annual conclave of wealthy and powerful people.

Bannon blamed both major political parties for this system and set out to force his ideas on an unwilling Republican leadership.
Sellers and Fehrenthold didn't explain why someone as strange as Bannon would have been speaking at a Vatican conference in the first place. But should a progressive disagree with the ideas expressed in that passage?

Later in their profile, Sellers and Farenthold place Bannon's views about various kinds of immigration into this progressive-sounding context. On the less uplifting side, they also describe his paranoiac-sounding ideas about the Muslim world:
SELLERS AND FAHRENTHOLD: Even as Bannon was calling for a general retreat from multinational alliances, however, he was warning of the need for a new alliance—involving only a subset of the world's countries.

The "Judeo-Christian West" was at war, he said,
but didn't seem to understand it yet.

"There is a major war brewing, a war that's already global," Bannon said at the Vatican in 2014, at a time when the Islamic State was gaining territory. "Every day that we refuse to look at this as what it is—and the scale of it, and really the viciousness of it—will be a day where you will rue that we didn't act."

Bannon has given few details about the mechanics of the war he thinks the West should fight. But he has been clear that it is urgent enough to take priority over other rivalries and worries.
Does Bannon think this perceived war of the worlds "is urgent enough to take priority over other rivalries?" As they continue, Sellers and Fahrenthold place Bannon's ideas about Russia into this context:
SELLERS AND FAHRENTHOLD: In his talk at the Vatican, Bannon was asked about Russian President Vladimir Putin. Bannon's answer was two-sided.

"I think that Putin and his cronies are really a kleptocracy, that are really an imperialist power that want to expand," he said. But, Bannon said, there were bigger concerns than Russia—and there was something to admire in Putin's call for more traditional values.

"However, I really believe that in this current environment, where you're facing a potential new caliphate that is very aggressive that is really a situation—I'm not saying we can put [Russia] on a back burner—but I think we have to deal with first things first," Bannon said.
Mixed with this are glimpses of Bannon's apparent craziness. We refer, for example, to his comparisons of himself to Thomas Cromwell.

"I am Thomas Cromwell in the court of the Tudors," he's quoted saying to the Hollywood Reporter. Maybe he was just joking when he said that. His strange past comments about Lenin needing to blow up the world go unquoted today.

Today's profile of Bannon isn't exactly new. As the Post writers note, the material from the Vatican speech first appeared at BuzzFeed. That said, the profile invites the types of discussion the country needs to have, now that we've arranged, through our haplessness and our sloth, to have a President Trump.

The profile of Bannon is just one of the Post's intriguing features today. We'd also direct your attention to the 1800-word report by Jenna Johnson, "How Trump's claim of voter fraud spread like a virus."

Good God! For perhaps the past fifteen years, we've been begging our big newspapers to publish this kind of analysis, which traces the way Trump's unfounded claims about illegal voting were spread all through the nation.

In our view, Johnson's work could be crisper at several junctures. Beyond that, we've always said that pieces like this belong on the front pages of major newspapers, not on page A11, where Johnson's report appears.

That said, this type of reporting is badly needed. In substantial detail, readers are told about the way an unfounded, apparently bogus claim has been relentlessly sold to the world.

Today's Post is crammed with useful work. It's just too bad that this mountain of effort arrives on the scene too late.

We've already purchased our President Trump. We slumbered and snored for several decades, bringing our current irreversible disaster to pass.

USING OUR WORDS: Why do we have so many words?

WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 1, 2017

Part 2—Corn semi-redefines:
Back in 1997, we started calling David Corn "the most polite person in Washington."

Our jest was tied to Corn's reaction to an award-winning piece about "educational standards" in the Baltimore Sunday Sun. In our experience, David Corn is a very good guy, just as he appears to be on your TV machine.

A few years later, in 2004, Corn made a decision we would regard as unwise. He decided to semi-reinvent a well-known term, perhaps in service to political warfare.

The well-known term in question was the well-known and famous term "lie." Corn described his semi-reinvention in the opening pages of his book, The Lies of George W. Bush.

At the time, the notion that Bush was a very big liar had gained wide currency within our liberal tribe. In the year before Corn's book appeared, Joe Conason had published a book called Big Lies. In a slightly more tongue-in-cheek vein, Al Franken—not yet Senator Franken—had published Lies and the Lying Liars Who Tell Them in that very same year.

In retrospect, Bush seems like a cross between Mr. Rogers and the young George Washington when compared to the current president, Donald J. Trump. Just since becoming president, Donald J. Trump has issued a blizzard of wild and unsupported claims, including some which seem transparently false.

At least in terms of volume, this blizzard of peculiar statements dwarfs the lying, or alleged lying, with which we were concerned in the age of George W. Bush.

How many "lies" did that earlier president tell? We can't exactly tell you. But in the early pages of his book, Corn outlined a decision we would regard as unwise:

He said he was taking a new approach to the very concept of "lying" and "lies."

Corn's recasting of these familiar old terms went on for several pages. First, he offered a list of "lies" told by other modern presidents. He even quoted Professor Bok as she defined the term "lie:"
CORN (page 5): [T]here are many varieties of presidential lies...But what can be considered a lie? Sissela Bok, the author of Lying: Moral Choices in Public and Private Life, defines it simply as "an intentionally misleading message in the form of a statement." Intentionally? That may get Reagan off the hook—or any other president who truly believes his own spin.
It's hard to believe that we had to turn to Professor Bok to access such a mundane definition of such a well-known term. Truth to tell, professors don't know more about such everyday matters than the average shlub on the street.

That said, yes! As every school child is likely to know, a person "who truly believes" a statement he makes won't normally be accused of telling a "lie" if the statement turns out to be false. As a general matter, you have to know your statement is false to be accused of a "lie."

(For the record: In saying that Reagan may have truly believed his own "spin," it can be imagined that Corn indulged in some spin of his own.)

In that passage, Corn turned to "a Swedish-born American philosopher and ethicist, the daughter of two Nobel Prize winners," to tell us something everyone knows about the traditional meaning of the famous term, "lie." You can't blame Bok for Corn's behavior. But when writers do such things, we advise you to check your wallets, even when they're good guys.

Corn told us something we already knew. He then proceeded to offer something resembling a redefinition:
CORN (continuing directly): Intentionally? That may get Reagan off the hook—or any other president who truly believes his own spin. But because presidential lies matter more than most—they can lead to wars, decide elections, break or make vital policy decisions—I would propose a slightly different standard for White House occupants.
Uh-oh! Corn was proposing a "slight" change in the way we apply a well-known term to acertain class of people. In this passage, he continued his conceptual coup d'etat:
CORN (continuing directly): I would propose a slightly different standard for White House occupants. If a president issues a statement, he or she has an obligation to ensure the remark is truthful. The same applies to a presidential candidate who, after all, is seeking an office that comes with the ultimate power. It is not enough for a president or White House contender to believe what he is saying is true; he should know it to be true—within reasonable standards...

Commanders-in-chief and presidential candidates do commit mistakes and misspeak. Given the amount of information they are expected to possess, this is only natural. Not every error or verbal miscue is a lie. But a president has a duty to acknowledge and correct any significant misstatement he or she utters—especially if that slip has somehow worked to his advantage. An untruth that might have been spoken accidentally becomes a lit if a president and his aides permit it to stand.
Few people would disagree with the bulk of Corn's statements. To wit:

"Within reasonable standards," presidents should make a serious effort to ensure that their statements are accurate.

"Within reasonable standards," a president should correct significant misstatements once he or she has learned that his or her statement was false.

Few people would disagree with those high-minded judgments. But uh-oh! Corn was offering these obvious thoughts as justification for something resembling a change in the English language, a well-known institution and means of exchange accepted all over the world.

From this point forward, Corn would employ "a slightly different standard" for saying that Bush had "lied." This is a great way to fire the base. It may also be a great way to lose future arguments.

You can read the rest of Corn's presentation to consider his full reinvention. But is it a good idea to change the "standard" according to which we will say that someone has lied?

A cynic would tell you that such an approach might help an author sell books. We can imagine the difference in sales between two identical books which have these different titles.

Actual title in bold:

The Significant Misstatements of George W. Bush
The Lies of George W. Bush

How about comparative sales of these identical books?

Lies and the Lying Liars Who Tell Them
Significant Misstatements and the Significant Misstaters Who Make Them

A cynic would say that Corn's approach is a good way to sell books. Manifestly, it's also a good way to stir up the liberal base.

Unfortunately, that cynic might also say this—Corn's redefined "standard" for dropping L-bombs may be a good way to lose arguments. But we'll leave that claim for another day. For today, let's consider the source of the traditional uses of our best-known words.

Our language gives us many ways to talk about bogus statements. We can talk about falsehoods, misstatements and lies. We can talk about statements which are false, and about statements which are misleading.

We can talk about facts which are accurate but "selective." We can talk about claims which are false, but also about claims which are unsupported or unfounded.

Is "dissembling" the same thing as lying? How about embellishing, embroidering or exaggerating? Is suggesting the same thing as saying? Our language has a wide array of terms which are used to discuss inaccurate statements. So does every other developed language across the vast span of the globe.

Why does our language have so many words? Because millions of people, down through the millennia, have found it useful to observe the distinctions which were captured in the development of all those words!

Millions of people, over thousands of years, decided that there is a difference between a statement which is misleading and a statement which is false. The traditional use of these terms is a product of the ages.

In the past few weeks, we the liberals have been eager to drop powerful bombs on Donald J. Trump. We slept in the woods for twenty-five years. Now we're extremely upset.

We're eager to drop powerful bombs on the head of Donald J. Trump. Because our eagerness outpaces our discipline and our intelligence, we've taken a wide array of bogus claims and dismissed them all as "lies."

When we do this, we make ourselves feel good. If we do this in the title of a book, we may well sell extra copies.

We also set up conversations in which our thrilling claims are easily dismissed or defeated. Because we aren't very smart and we aren't very disciplined, we've been happily losing debates this way over the past many years.

Except in our own weak minds, where we win these debates very time!

Tomorrow: McEnany rolls