It was 67 million all over again!

THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 12, 2024

In a much larger nation: Viewership figures are in for Tuesday night's debate. 

How many people watched the event? According to NBC News (and everyone else), the very fine people at Nielsen have announced a familiar figure:

Harris-Trump debate nabs more than 67 million viewers, Nielsen says

The debate stage clash between Vice President Kamala Harris and former President Donald Trump drew an estimated 67.1 million viewers, according to the media analytics company Nielsen.

The estimated viewership improved on the ratings for the match-up between Trump and President Joe Biden in late June, which attracted roughly 51.3 million viewers—and effectively derailed Biden's re-election bid.

ABC hosted and aired the Harris-Trump faceoff, which was simulcast on 17 networks, including NBC and MSNBC, according to Nielsen.

[...]

Nielsen earlier reported that 57.5 million people watched Harris and Trump, adding that final numbers would be released later. The data did not include the number of people who followed the debate via social media, news websites or streaming platforms.

Sure enough! Once they included the streamers, the figure came to 67.1 million people. 

As we noted yesterday, this wasn't exactly a first. Way back at the dawn of time, Theodore White reported these viewership numbers for the 1960 Kennedy-Nixon debates:

WHITE (page 283): By mid-September all had been arranged. There would be four debates—on September 26th, October 7th, October 13th and October 21st. The first would be produced by CBS out of Chicago, the second by NBC out of Washington, the third by ABC out of New York and Los Angeles and the fourth, again by ABC, out of New York.

In the event, when all was over, the audience exceeded the wildest fancies and claims of the television networks. Each individual broadcast averaged an audience set at a low of 65,000,000 and a high of 70,000,000. The greatest previous audience in television history had been for the climactic game of the 1959 World Series, when an estimated 90,000,000 Americans had tuned in to watch...

It looks like each of those debates was viewed by roughly 67 million people, even way back then! You can begin to spot a fairly large difference here:

United States population:
1960 census: 179.3 million
2024 estimate: 345.4 million 

Say what? With almost twice as many people, the same old number tuned in?

In fairness, there was nothing else you could watch back then. There was no History Channel, tempting eggheads with such scholarly fare as Ice Road Truckers and Swamp People

There was no fine arts channel like Bravo, prying eyeballs away from the hopefuls with The Real Housewives of Wherever We're Able to Find Them.

On Tuesday, we quoted Harper Lee in a second well-known book from that same era, a book in which she looked back to an even earlier period:

People moved slowly then. They ambled across the square, shuffled in and out of the stores around it, took their time about everything. A day was twenty-four hours long but seemed longer. There was no hurry, for there was nowhere to go, nothing to buy and no money to buy it with.

Even as late as 1960, is that why so many people tuned in? Was there just nowhere else to go? Were we just less distracted back then?

At any rate, 67.1 million people may have seen Candidate Trump say this at a key point in Tuesday night's debate:
TRUMP (9/10/24): People don't go to her rallies. There's no reason to go. And the people that do go, she's busing them in and paying them to be there. 
Apparently, that statement made a lot of sense to a whole lot of people. According to one widely ballyhooed survey, viewers believed that Candidate Trump outperformed his hapless opponent by a Putin-adjacent margin—by 86 percent to just 3!

No one ever saw anything like it! On that we call all agree!




DEBATES: Harris prevailed, CNN survey said!

THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 12, 2024

Donald Trump's numbers were different: It's never completely clear what we mean when we ask who "won" a presidential debate. 

It's never quite clear what that means! But by most assessments, Candidate Harris prevailed this past Tuesday night. 

What was the candidate's victory margin? Overnight, at 2:37 on Wednesday morning, CNN offered this report about its instant survey of people who watched the debate:

CNN Flash Poll: Majority of debate watchers say Harris outperformed Trump onstage

Registered voters who watched Tuesday’s presidential debate broadly agree that Kamala Harris outperformed Donald Trump, according to a CNN poll of debate watchers conducted by SSRS. The vice president also outpaced both debate watchers’ expectations for her and Joe Biden’s onstage performance against the former president earlier this year, the poll found.

Debate watchers said, 63% to 37%, that Harris turned in a better performance onstage in Philadelphia. Prior to the debate, the same voters were evenly split on which candidate would perform more strongly, with 50% saying Harris would do so and 50% that Trump would. 

For better or worse, that's what the survey said. 

That said, a citizen can never be sure! Within an hour of the debate, Candidate Trump was in the "spin room"—and he was reporting a vastly different set of numbers about who had won the debate.

Below, you see some of the survey results the candidate reported. To see him do so, click here:

HANNITY (late Tuesday night): What made you come to the spin room?

TRUMP: I just felt I wanted to. I was very happy with the result. 

So the candidate said to Hannity, right there in the spin room. A bit earlier, also in the spin room, he had made this array of claims:

TRUMP (9/10/24): When you're looking at polls, the worst—the worst poll that we've had was 71 that I see...

We had a 92% rating in one poll...

We had an 86% rating in another. We had 77%...

One poll is 92% to 6...

92 to 7. 92 to 6; 88 to 11...

REPORTER: Mr. President, speak louder.

TRUMP: All of the polls are 60, 70 and 80. 86 to 3!

 The polls are indicating that we got 90%, 60%, 72%, 71% and 89%.

REPORTER: Where are you getting those numbers from?

SECOND REPORTER: Yes, where are you getting those numbers from?

"Where are you getting those numbers from?" Someone had asked a good question!

For the record, it was obvious where the candidate was "getting those numbers from." The candidate was pulling those numbers right straight out of his asp.

Plainly, this was a form of public madness—something resembling insanity. 

The candidate's conduct in the spin room recalls the scene from The Manchurian Candidate (1962) in which Senator Iselin—a Joe McCarthy doppelganger—keeps changing his account of the number of card-carrying Communists within the Defense Department.

As presented in that iconic film, Senator Iselin is a simple-minded buffoon with a diabolical wife. You can watch the scene in question simply by clicking here:

SENATOR ISELIN (pompously): I am United States Senator John Yerkes Iselin, and I have here a list of the names of 207 persons who are known by the Secretary of Defense as being members of the Communist Party who are still nevertheless working at shaping the policy of the Defense Department.

[...]

MAJOR MARCO: I'd like to verify that number, sir. How many Communists did you say?

ISELIN: Oh, uh— I said there are exactly—I have absolutely proof there are 104 card-carrying Communists in the Defense Department at this time.

MAJOR MARCO (puzzled): How many, sir?

ISELIN: Uh—275, and that's absolutely all I have to say on that subject at this time.

REPORTER: Major, how many did he say?

The senator had been pulling his numbers out of his keister too. Later, he begs his wife to let him settle on just one number of card-carrying Communistson a number he'll find it easy to remember.

In that scene, director John Frankenheimer took his film to the level of high parody. A living, breathing nominee was loudly performing a similar scene this past Tuesday night.

That said, this was not some form of crazy parody. We'd be inclined to call it what it isa form of public madness.

When a nominee behaves that way, we'd call it front-page news. Instead, a card-carrying careerist at the New York Timesthe head of the editorial boardsucked her thumb in the wake of Tuesday's debate, in the way we described yesterday afternoon:

The Question Kamala Harris Couldn’t Answer

[...]

Over the weekend, a survey by The New York Times and Siena College found that 60 percent of likely voters said they believed America was headed in the wrong direction, and many reported that they didn’t know enough about where Harris stands on several key issues. Any poll is just a snapshot in time, and it is admittedly hard to interpret exactly what those respondents are looking for from her. Do they want a better understanding of how she plans to govern from the Oval Office in terms of policy? Or are they more interested in her character and what type of leader she would be?

For those voters looking for answers on policy, the debate is unlikely to have left them feeling better informed. According to the Times tracker, the vice president spent nearly half of her speaking time attacking Trump. She rightfully called out his lies and his dangerous embrace of dictators. She was also strong in defending reproductive rights, as well as President Biden’s record on foreign and domestic policy. And she mentioned a handful of plans she’d pursue if she won the White House.

Yet we learned very few new details about those plans...

That was the chairperson's takeaway. Trump was briefly mentioned in passing, and so on, then on and on.

As far as we know, Kathleen Kingsbury is a thoroughly good, decent person. Also, plenty of questions should still be asked of the Democratic nominee, who was in fact a bit evasive at various times Tuesday night. 

That said, Kingsbury's newspaper keeps normalizing the transparent madness of the other nominee. Some are now describing this sort of thing as "sane-washing." 

In our view, this behavior by our major news orgs is its own form of public madness. It represents a type of dumbness which seems to know no bounds.

Many questions remain to be asked of the two nominees. That said, one of the nominees routinely engages in acts of transparent madness. The people who sit at the top of the press corps refuse to address this fact.

The New York Times continues to normalize the apparent madness of Candidate Trump. As it does, the Fox News Channel continues along in its own brand of public misconduct.

Tuesday's presidential debate took place in the shadow of those influential orgs. Our pledge to you today will be this:

Tomorrow morning, we're going to show you what former "TV judge" Joe Brown said on the Fox News Channel this past Saturday night. As we've noted, he had recently referred to Candidate Harris as "a piece of sh*t" and a "humping hyena"—and that made him perfect for Fox.

It's depressing and painful to transcribe such garbage-can behavior. Tomorrow, we'll force ourselves to do it.

That said, you won't read about any of this in the New York Times. The Times is normalizing the madness of Candidate Trump, but it's also normalizing the (highly influential) moral squalor of Fox.

Survey said 86-3! At the cowardly lion known as the Times, this sort of thing seems to make perfect sense!

Tomorrow: We promise we're going to do it


Undecided voters try to decide!

WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 11, 2024

Plus, the latest cognitive shortfall: What did the nation's Undecideds think about last night's debate?

Frankly, it's hard to decide! According to this report, the Washington Post assembled a panel of 25 "uncommitted, swing-state voters," then asked them "in real time about their reactions to Tuesday’s debate."

According to the Post's report, twenty-three said that Harris "performed better" last night; two said the same thing about Trump. By the end of the evening, fifteen were definitely or probably voting for Candidate Harris. According to the Post's report, Candidate Trump had the support of six.

That's what occurred in the realm of the Post. Over at the New York Times, Undecideds seemed to remain vastly more pre-decided:

Pundits Said Harris Won the Debate. Undecided Voters Weren’t So Sure.

For weeks, undecided voters have been asking for more substance.

So it was perhaps no accident that Vice President Kamala Harris’s first words during the presidential debate on Tuesday were, “I am actually the only person on this stage who has a plan.”

Some Americans might need more convincing.

Bob and Sharon Reed, both 77-year-old retired teachers who live on a farm in central Pennsylvania, had high hopes for the debate between Ms. Harris and former President Donald Trump. They thought that they would come away with a candidate to support in November.

But, Ms. Reed said, “It was all disappointing.”

The couple ended the night wondering how the costly programs each candidate supported—Mr. Trump’s tariffs and Ms. Harris’s aid to young families and small businesses—would help a couple like them, living on a fixed income that has not kept pace with inflation. They said they didn’t hear detailed answers on immigration or foreign policy, either.

Fairly often, Undecideds are inclined to find it all disappointing. In this case, Candidate Harris's late entry into the race may tend to make this year's contest especially hard to parse. In our view, that suggests, among other things, the desirability of saddling the hopefuls up for another debate.

Meanwhile, the all-knowing Kathleen Kingsbury is the all-knowing "Opinion editor of The New York Times, overseeing the editorial board and the Opinion section." She focused on what Harris failed to do, tended to brush past Trump's corresponding failures:

The Question Kamala Harris Couldn’t Answer

[...]

Over the weekend, a survey by The New York Times and Siena College found that 60 percent of likely voters said they believed America was headed in the wrong direction, and many reported that they didn’t know enough about where Harris stands on several key issues. Any poll is just a snapshot in time, and it is admittedly hard to interpret exactly what those respondents are looking for from her. Do they want a better understanding of how she plans to govern from the Oval Office in terms of policy? Or are they more interested in her character and what type of leader she would be?

For those voters looking for answers on policy, the debate is unlikely to have left them feeling better informed. According to the Times tracker, the vice president spent nearly half of her speaking time attacking Trump. She rightfully called out his lies and his dangerous embrace of dictators. She was also strong in defending reproductive rights, as well as President Biden’s record on foreign and domestic policy. And she mentioned a handful of plans she’d pursue if she won the White House.

Yet we learned very few new details about those plans. On the economy, which voters often rank as the issue of most importance to them, she only scratched the surface in discussing how she’d enact tax cuts, build more affordable housing and help parents of young children. On foreign policy, she committed herself to a two-state solution in the Middle East and to supporting Ukraine in victory over Russia, but she didn’t expand on how she’d seek to achieve either goal. She pledged not to ban fracking but said little on how she would plan to invest in climate solutions. She also continued to dodge questions about why she recently distanced herself from positions that she took in her quest to be the Democratic nominee in 2020.

Most important, she did very little to distinguish her plans from Biden’s in an election in which the electorate seems hungry for change.

Bad Harris! Bad Harris—no!

It isn't that any of this is "wrong"—and Harris did avoid giving direct answers to several direct questions. That said, does anyone have the slightest idea how Candidate Trump is going to accomplish the various goals he laid out as he meandered through last evening's event?

For example, does anyone know how Candidate Trump plans to accomplish the world-saving miracle described in the passage below? On the stump, he makes this promise all the time. But is he even describing behavior which would be legal?

TRUMP (9/10/24): ...She hates Israel. At the same time, in her own way, she hates the Arab population because the whole place is going to get blown up, Arabs, Jewish people, Israel. Israel will be gone. It would have never happened. Iran was broke under Donald Trump. Now Iran has $300 billion because they took off all the sanctions that I had. Iran had no money for Hamas or Hezbollah or any of the 28 different spheres of terror. And they are spheres of terror. Horrible terror. They had no money. It was a big story, and you know it. You covered it. Very well, actually. They had no money for terror. They were broke. Now they're a rich nation. And now what they're doing is spreading that money around. Look at what's happening with the Houthis and Yemen. Look at what's going on in the Middle East. This would have never happened. 

I will get that settled and fast. And I'll get the war with Ukraine and Russia ended. If I'm President-Elect, I'll get it done before even becoming president.

He'll get that settled before taking office? Is he even describing something that's legal? 

We don't know the answer to that question. But what ever happened to the old bromide according to which "we only have no president at a time?"

No one seems to ask. That said, it was interesting to learn about Harris's consistency! Candidate Harris hates Israel, but she hates the Arab population too, though only in her own way.

We can think of a lot of questions which could be directed to each of these candidates. Some Undecideds just never decide, but judged by traditional norms, it would make a lot of sense to have two more debates.

That said, some statements pretty much speak for themselves. From last night's event, we'd probably start with this:

TRUMP: First, let me respond as to the rallies. She said people start leaving. People don't go to her rallies. There's no reason to go. And the people that do go, she's busing them in and paying them to be there. And then showing them in a different light. 
So she can't talk about that. People don't leave my rallies. We have the biggest rallies, the most incredible rallies in the history of politics...

Harris is busing people into her rallies and paying them to be there! At least as a matter of theory, this may be an improvement over Trump's previous claim that no people were actually present at one of Harris's crowded events.

As far back as 2017, something on the order of three dozen medical specialists were willing to say that this particular candidate had a clinical "personality disorder" which creates an element of danger. For better or worse, our high-end journalists have always agreed that we must never report or discuss that apparent possibility.

On balance, we aren't even saying that journalistic decision is wrong. It does say something about the immaturity of our public discourse.

At any rate, this:

First, the rally attendees weren't there. Now the attendees are being bused in and they're being paid for their services.

People like Kingbury normalize this! According to experts, cognitive shortfalls will sometimes pop up in the place where you least expect them.

Remarkably full disclosure: With respect to the possible clinical affliction of the one candidate, we've always counseled empathy / sympathy for anyone so afflicted.

"I pity the poor immigrant," Bob Dylan (metaphorically) said.



DEBATES: Fox News loomed over last night's debate!

WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 11, 2024

But so did the New York Times: Last evening, after the ball was over, the Harris campaign said they wanted more debates.

At 6:35 this morning, speaking on behalf of the Trump campaign, Jason Miller said his candidate has already agreed to another debate—to a debate to be run by NBC News on September 25.

Later, on Fox & Friends, the candidate himself may have walked Miller's promise back. But so the chaos routinely goes in a society which has largely lost the ability to conduct a serious discourse.

The behavior of the Fox News Channel loomed over last evening's debate. So did the increasingly strange New York Times—a major news org whose puzzling behavior is finally becoming a bit more visible within Blue America.

More on that to come. For now, ever so briefly, let's consider why it would be a good idea to have additional debates this very year, involving those very same candidates.

Evert so briefly, we take you back to the dawn of these TV debates, as described by Theodore White "in a very old book." The year was 1960. A whole new era came into being in the following way:

Initially, Candidate Kennedy had wanted five (5) debates. The candidates finally settled on four.

 Below, you see the way White outlined the nature of those famous first four sessions:

WHITE (page 283): By mid-September all had been arranged. There would be four debates—on September 26th, October 7th, October 13th and October 21st. The first would be produced by CBS out of Chicago, the second by NBC out of Washington, the third by ABC out of New York and Los Angeles and the fourth, again by ABC, out of New York.

[...]

(page 287): This, the first of the debates, was committed to a discussion of domestic issues—an area in which the Democrats, by their philosophy and record, make larger promises and offer a more aggressive attitude to the future than the Republicans. Kennedy, opening, declared that the world could not endure half-slave and half-free, and that the posture of America in the world rested fundamentally on its posture at home—how we behaved to each other, what we did to move American society forward...

[...]

(page 290): The second |debate concerned itself with foreign policy and ranged from Cuba’s Castro through the U-2 and espionage to the matter of America’s declining prestige, and closed on the first sharp clash of the series—the defense of Quemoy and Matsu. 

The third debate resumed, like a needle stuck in a phonograph groove, with the subject of Quemoy and Matsu, hung there almost indefinitely, then broke away with Nixon’s stern disapproval of President Truman’s bad language, and went on to other matters such as bigotry, labor unions and gold outflow. This, according to all sample surveys, was Nixon’s best performance in terms of its impact on the audience. This was the debate in which Nixon spoke from Los Angeles while Kennedy spoke from New York, and it was as if, separated by a continent from the personal presence of his adversary, Nixon were more at ease and could speak directly to the nation that lay between them.

The fourth debate was the dreariest—both candidates had by now almost nothing new left to say, and they repeated themselves on all the matters they had covered in the three previous debates. Curiously enough, the audience which had been highest for the first debate and dropped off slightly for the second and third, returned on the last debate to almost match the total of the first.

Who knows? Perhaps the hopefuls had only needed three television debates! That had become the standard number until forms of madness in recent years created the current situation.

"The fourth debate was the dreariest," White said in his iconic book. By the time of that fourth debate, the candidates had "almost nothing new left to say."

But as those four debates took place, American voters were able to see the candidate discuss a range of issues, encompassing foreign and domestic policy in several targeted sessions.

The first debate had been moderated by a fully serious person—by a former Rhodes scholar who had actually interviewed Hitler and had become one of "the Murrow Boys." 

There were no crazy discussions in those four debates—and White reported the very large numbers of people who were said to have tuned in:

WHITE (page 283): In the event, when all was over, the audience exceeded the wildest fancies and claims of the television networks. Each individual broadcast averaged an audience set at a low of 65,000,000 and a high of 70,000,000. The greatest previous audience in television history had been for the climactic game of the 1959 World Series, when an estimated 90,000,000 Americans had tuned in to watch the White Sox play the Dodgers. When, finally, figures were assembled for all four debates, the total audience for the television debates on the Presidency exceeded even this figure.

[...] 

(page 293): There are many measures of the numbers of Americans who viewed the debates. The low measure is that of Dr. George Gallup, America’s most experienced pollster, who sets the figure of Americans who viewed one or all of the debates at 85,000,000. The two most extensive surveys of audience were those made by NBC and CBS, the two great television networks. Their independent measures of the audience are so close that they must be taken seriously: NBC has estimated from its surveys that 115,000,000 Americans viewed one or all of the great debates; CBS has estimated the number at 120,000,000. With or without issues, no larger assembly of human beings, their minds focused on one problem, has ever happened in history.

To the extent that those figures can be trusted, 65-70 million people watched each of these four events. More than 100 million people may have watched at least one of these sessions.

At that time, the nation's population stood at 180 million—just a bit more than half what it is today.

Inaccurate statements were surely made, but no one mentioned the eating of pets. There was no "cable news" at that time, and the odd behavior of today's New York Times still lay off in the distance.

Will Candidates Harris and Trump meet for another debate? In our view, the moderators did about as good a job as could be expected last night. But there's no possible way to cover the waterfront in a single 90-minute session.

Imaginably, additional televised discourse could favor Candidate Trump in some imaginable ways. For example, what explains President Biden's border policy over the past (almost) four years? 

As Candidate Harris was able to explain last night, it turns out that Candidate Harris isn't President Biden!  But how would Candidate Harris explain past border policy? Imaginably, a further discussion could provide Candidate Trump with the chance to make statements which aren't overtly crazy about these past four years.

Imaginably, that could happen. That said, also this:

Imaginably, Candidate Trump could be asked to explain additional crazy claims he routinely advances if further debates take place. His very strange statements are many in number. Imaginably, those very strange, ridiculous statements could, at last, be explored. 

For example, this:

Mommy, where do tariffs come from? Also, who would be on the hook for paying the trillions of dollars involved in the expansive tariffs Candidate Trump is proposing and is describing in a delusional manner?

At present, very few voters could answer those questions—and as Kevin Drum explains in this latest post, the increasingly bizarre New York Times is very much as it again regarding tariffs.

There they go again, above the fold on the front page of this morning's print editions.

(For the record, Ana Swanson's previous front-page report about tariffs was one of the strangest front-page reports we have ever read. But so it goes at the New York Times as its product gets stranger and stranger and stranger.)

Sadly, the Times has been like this for decades, dating back to the way it conducted its "forever war" against Clinton and Clinton, but also against Candidate Gore.  In large part, we decided to start this site, at the dawn of the Internet, in the face of that strange journalistic behavior. 

Because we currently live in a world in which there's virtually no such thing as "information flow"—because what happens in the mainstream press corps very much stays in the mainstream press corps—we live in a world where this broadly strange journalistic behavior has only recently, and only slightly, begin to be challenged, explored.

For the record, Candidate Harris did emit a howler last night. On the Fox News Channel, that howler is suddenly being cited, by one and all, as "the fine people hoax." 

Today, they'll be discussing what the candidate said. For the record, those of us in Blue America can be wed to our groaners too.

That said, last night's debate took place in the shadow of Judge Joe Brown, who recently called Candidate Harris "a piece of shit," but also a "humping hyena."

The debate took place in the shadow of those deranged remarks. Also, it took place in the shadow of the Fox News Channel's Greg Gutfeld, who has asked, on at least three separate occasions, whether Hunter Biden has started "f*cking" (or "banging") first lady Jill Biden, now that President Biden has dropped out of the race.

The Fox News Channel opens that garbage can every night of the week. A cancer has been growing on the society and that cancer has several names.

The Fox News Channel is one of its names. But the New York Times, in its vast silence concerning such conduct, is spreading that cancer too.

Howard K. Smith had been a Rhodes scholar. He had interviewed Hitler himself, then had gone to school as one of "the Murrow Boys."

Way back then, our deeply challenged American nation was somehow able to stage four (4) TV debates between a pair of well-informed, fully coherent presidential candidates. No one mentioned the eating of pets—and tens of millions of citizens watched.

None of this was perfect back then. But there was no such thing as the Fox News Channel, and no one did what Brian Kilmeade did last Saturday night:

No one opened the garbage can and spoke to a person like Judge Joe Brown. No one was forced to avert its gaze from such gruesome "journalistic" behavior, in the way the almost-as-gruesome New York Times now defiantly does.

Still coming: Kilmeade opens the can


This whole discourse is out of order!

TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 10, 2024

Peter Baker, front page of the Times: Full disclosure:

We hadn't watched last evening's Last Word when we scanned today's New York Times.

We still hadn't seen the opening segment of Lawrence O'Donnell's program. That said, and for obvious reasons, we read a certain front-page "News Analysis" first.

The piece was written by Peter Baker, who's the farthest thing from dumb. It sat above the fold on the front page of today's print editions—and it helps establish a basic fact about this broken press corps.

Baker's the farthest thing from dumb!  Despite that fact, his essay started like this:

NEWS ANALYSIS
Too Old? The Focus Is Now on Trump

The last time the nation held a debate with the presidency on the line, a candidate with about eight decades of life behind him faced the challenge of proving that he was still up to the job of running the country. He failed.

Two and a half months later, the cast of characters has shifted and another candidate heading toward the octogenarian club confronts his own test to demonstrate that he has not diminished with age. Whether he passes that test may influence who will be the next occupant of the Oval Office.

At 78, former President Donald J. Trump exhibits more energy and speaks with more volume than President Biden does at 81, but he, too, has mixed up names, confused facts and stumbled over his points. Mr. Trump’s rambling speeches, sometimes incoherent statements and extreme outbursts have raised questions about his own cognitive health and, according to polls, stimulated doubts among a majority of voters.

With Mr. Biden now out of the race, the politics of age have been turned on their head. Mr. Trump is now the oldest person ever to run for president on a major party ticket and, if he wins, would become the oldest president in history by the end of his term, when he would be 82. While he managed to sidestep questions about his own capacity while Mr. Biden was his opponent, the rival he will square off against at Tuesday’s prime-time debate in Philadelphia will be Vice President Kamala Harris, who at 59 is nearly two decades younger.

Donald J. Trump "has mixed up names?" The problem, of course, goes well beyond that, and it may have nothing to do with age. But as of today, it's finally clear:

It isn't possible to get the Times to come to terms with that fact.

The presidential candidate in question says crazy thigs every day. For the record, he began saying crazy things about Barack Obama's place of birth back in 2011, when he was 65—just six years older than Candidate Harris is today.

Today, he says crazy things pretty much every day. 

Some of the crazy things he says fly in the face of the basic functioning of the American system. Some of the crazy things he says seem to suggest that he has no idea how certain basic policy questions work.

We've been urging the Times (and other such orgs) to come to terms with a basic fact of life:

When a nominee says crazy things, the fact that he did so is front-page news. If the nominee says crazy things every day, it's front-page news every time.

Peter Baker isn't dumb; his analysis piece plainly is. Last evening, O'Donnell thundered about the way Baker focuses on the candidate's recent statement, at The Economic Club of New York, about the possibility of addressing the current high costs of child care.

For the record, Trump's long address was full of crazy remarks. In its usual simple-minded way, the high-end press corps widely decided to focus on what he said in response to a question from an audience member about those child care costs.

In fairness, Trump's jumbled response was easy to mock, and our journalists tend to love anything that's simple-minded and easy. Along the way, news orgs avoided the larger problem with what the candidate said in response to that question, just as Baker does today.

At this point, let's be fair! We agree with this part of what Baker says in his piece:

BAKER (9/10/24): What he seemed to be saying was that he would raise so much money by imposing tariffs on imported goods that the country could use the proceeds to pay for child care. 

We agree! That did seem to be what the hopeful was saying as he meandered along. As he wandered the countryside, vaguely conveying that impression, an underlying fact also seemed to be clear:

The candidate doesn't have a proposal for reducing the cost of child care, and he didn't want to say so.

Fair enough! Candidate Trump has no proposal concerning the costs of child care. He seemed to say that his brilliant plan for using "smart tariffs" will bring in so much money that it will be easy to finance some future plan, if he ever has one.

That seemed to be what he was saying! But as we read the Baker piece, we were struck by the groaning fact O'Donnell cited last night. Possibly at the insistence of editors, Baker had chosen not to say something he surely knows to be true.

For perhaps the ten millionth time, Trump had offered a crazy account of the way tariffs work.

Needless to say, Lawrence immediately began to say Trump had been "lying" again. This implies that Donald J. Trump actually understands the way tariffs actually work.

We're sorry, but we know of no reason to assume that that is true.

Does Candidate Trump actually understand the way tariffs actually work? We don't have the slightest idea—but among the various crazy things he said at The Economic Club of New York, he scattered this manifest nonsense of this type through major parts of his endless address:

TRUMP (9/5/24): Under my leadership, America will encourage domestic production instead of punishing it. As you know, our country’s vast manufacturing wealth was created at a time with very little domestic taxation, few regulations, and most revenue came from tariffs from other countries. That was when we were at the wealthiest ever, proportionately. We were the wealthiest country ever during those days. That was before income tax came along.

Now we foolishly do the opposite. We impose lower tariffs, and no tariffs, on foreign producers. We have the lowest tariffs of any nation in the world, and we relentlessly punish our own companies for doing business in America. You do business in America, you’re punished tremendously.

I had many, many companies come to me, "Sir, I can’t compete. They’re sending kitchen cabinets, washers and dryers, everything. I can tell you, every--motorcycles. They’re sending them here, sir. We can’t compete."

And I made it so they could compete and thrive. Every one of those people, we should get them up and talk to you one day, because every one of those people comes up to me, and every time I see them, they hug me, they kiss me, they love me, because I saved their businesses.

Yes, he actually said that! Every time those business leaders see him, they call him "Sir." After that, they hug and kiss him, they love the hopeful so much.

As you can see in that brief excerpt, these business leaders hug him and kiss him because of what he accomplished when he was president, through his use of tariffs. But does he know how tariffs work? 

Does he know what a tariff is? Again and again and again and again, it pretty much seems that he doesn't:

TRUMP (continuing directly): I intend to reverse this model and once again turn America into the manufacturing superpower of the world. We can do that, just with being intelligent. The key to this effort will be a pro-American trade policy that uses tariffs to encourage production here and bring trillions and trillions of dollars back home. And you know what? We deserve it.

Candidate Trump says he'll use tariffs to "bring trillions and trillions of dollars back home." 

But how exactly do tariffs work? How is that going to happen? For perhaps the ten millionth time, Candidate Trump seemed to say that tariffs work like this:

TRUMP: In the words of a great but highly underrated president, William McKinley, highly underrated, the protective tariff policy of the Republicans has been made, and made the lives of our countrymen sweeter and brighter. It’s the best for our citizenship and our civilization, and it opens up a higher and better destiny for our people. We have to take care of our own nation and our industries first.

In other words, take care of our country first. This is when we had our greatest wealth. He was assassinated, and he left his group of people that followed him. Teddy Roosevelt became a great president, spending the money that was made by McKinley.

So McKinley got a bad deal on that one. He built tremendous wealth. They had the Tariff Act of 1887, and they had a committee that studied, what are we going to do? They had a big problem, a problem like I hope to have with this country someday. So much money was coming in from foreign countries that they didn’t know how to spend it. They had no idea, so they set up a committee—we’ll set one up with the people in this room—"How do we distribute the wealth that we have?"

And Roosevelt built dams and built railroads and did national parks, but he did it with the money that was made with tariffs from McKinley. So you have to remember that. Very highly underrated, a very underrated president.

Let’s give them both credit. Smart tariffs will not create inflation. They will combat inflation. I had almost no inflation, and I had the highest tariffs that anyone’s seen, and they were going a lot higher. Foreign nations will pay us hundreds of billions of dollars, reducing the deficit and driving inflation down. It will largely reduce our deficit.

In my first term, we imposed historic tariffs with no effect on consumer prices or inflation. The anti-tariff people, many of them, I believe, honestly work for these other countries in some form, get tremendous amounts of lobbying money and other money because it doesn’t make sense what they’re saying. But we had no inflation, and we had protection, and I saved so many industries. I saved the steel industry.

But Biden and Harris are letting it go. They’re letting it go. It’s so easy to keep. A combination of fair trade tax cuts, regulatory cuts, and energy abundance will allow us to produce more goods, better and cheaper, right here in the USA than we’ve ever done before. And foreign nations will respect us again. I got along great with foreign nations, and I taxed the hell out of them. And they liked me. Maybe they respected me.

Again and again, for perhaps the ten millionth time, the candidate seemed to say that a tariff is like a tax imposed on a foreign country. 

He "taxed the hell out of" foreign nations, the former president said. Under his new plans for more far-reaching tariffs, "foreign nations will pay us hundreds of billions of dollars, reducing the deficit and driving inflation down," the former president added.

"I got along great with foreign nations, and I taxed the hell out of them," the former president puzzlingly said. "Maybe they respected me," he modestly mused—and from there, he immediately turned to quoting Viktor Orban's praise for his brilliant global leadership.

As Lawrence explained last night, the president of the United States can't tax a foreign nation. That isn't the way a tariff works. That isn't where the money comes from—and there's absolutely zero chance that Baker doesn't know that.

Peter Baker knows that these representations don't seem to make actual sense. He also knows that Candidate Trump says these things day after day after day as he whips up rally crowds by telling them that the last election was stolen, another repetitive claim the Times agrees to ignore.

If a candidate says these things every day, it's front-page news each time! In this case, Baker made fun of the verbal jumble Trump created in failing to answer the child care question, but he just let it go after that.

He didn't mention the apparent lunacy of Trump's proposal for vastly expanded tariffs. We'll take a guess as to why Baker's editors made him do that:

Talk about tariffs is very hard—and they like their front page to be easy.

Please don't make us try to explain this lunacy any further. But on the morning of the debate, this whole Potemkin "national discourse" is vastly out of order.

In the past few days, we've been trying to draw a contrast between the present and the past. Were we the people more serious once? How about our high-end journalists?

Are we now a confederacy of clowns, Fox News and the Times together?

For extra credit only: For Lawrence's opening segment last night, you can just click here. For the record, we don't know why he seems to feel so sure that Candidate Trump is lying.

Regarding the Times, we also note this:

In the paper's September 7 print editions, Jonathan Weisman offered this "Political Memo" about Trump's speech to The Economic Club. 

Weisman focused on the candidate's remarks about tariffs too. Seeming to chuckle a bit, he restricted himself to the politics of the tariff proposals. 

Policy can be hard! As you can see, Weisman didn't bother explaining the policy problems with what Candidate Trump says and says, and says and says and says and says, about this miracle cure. Presumably, that would simply be too hard for readers of the Times.

Our public discourse is highly Potemkin. It's given the look of a public discourse, but it's Marshmallow Fluff inside, then pretty much all the way down.

For the C-Span tape of the candidate's speech, you can just click here. No one at The Economic Club piped up about the tariffs!


DEBATES: Candidate Kennedy rose from his nap!

TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 10, 2024

Kilmeade brought in the trash: "By mid-September all had been arranged."

So wrote Theodore White, describing the process by which the first presidential debates came into being. As White explained in a famous book, the debates would be presented to the public through the auspices of a new electronic medium—through the public's purchase of 40 million brand new TV sets.

The year was 1960. There were no "cable news" channels in the Big Woods. There were no national "talk radio" programs of any major consequence.

All we had were the three major networks. The schedule agreed to was this:

WHITE (page 283): There would be four debates—on September 26th, October 7th, October 13th and October 21st. The first would be produced by CBS out of Chicago, the second by NBC out of Washington, the third by ABC out of New York and Los Angeles and the fourth, again by ABC, out of New York. 

According to White, Candidate Kennedy initially wanted five debates. Eventually, the candidates agreed to hold four—and the four debates were parceled out among the three major networks.

To judge from White's reporting, "debate prep" may have been a bit more casual in those early days. According to White, Candidate Kennedy arrived in Chicago on Sunday, September 25, accompanied by a three-man "Brain Trust"—an entourage composed of three men who were strikingly young.

Theodore Sorenson was 31; Richard Goodwin was just 28. At 43, Mike Feldman was the graybeard of the group. According to White, the candidate's debate prep, such as it was, proceeded as described:

WHITE (page 284): Early on Monday they met the candidate in his suite for a morning session of questions and answers. The candidate read their suggestions for his opening eight-minute statement, disagreed, tossed their suggestions out, called his secretary, dictated another of his own; and then for four hours Kennedy and the Brain Trust considered together the Nixon position and the Kennedy position, with the accent constantly on fact: What was the latest rate of unemployment? What was steel production rate? What was the Nixon stand on this or that particular? The conversation, according to those present, was not only easy but rather comic and rambling, covering a vast number of issues entirely irrelevant to the debate. Shortly before one o’clock Goodwin and Feldman disappeared to a basement office in the Ambassador East to answer new questions the candidate had raised, and the candidate then had a gay lunch with Ted Sorensen, his brother Robert and public-opinion analyst Louis Harris. The candidate left shortly thereafter for a quick address to the United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners of America (which Nixon had addressed in the morning) and came back to his room for a nap. About five o’clock he rose from his nap, quite refreshed, and assembled brother Robert, Sorensen, Harris, Goodwin and Feldman for another Harvard tutorial skull session.

Several who were present remember the performance [quite] vividly...The candidate lay on his bed in a white, open-necked T shirt and army suntan pants, and fired questions at his intimates. He held in his hand the fact cards that Goodwin and Feldman had prepared for him during the afternoon, and as he finished each, he sent it spinning off the bed to the floor. Finally, at about 6:30, he rose from his bed and decided to have dinner. He ate what is called “a splendid dinner” all by himself in his room, then emerged in a white shirt and dark-gray suit, called for a stop watch and proceeded to the old converted sports arena that is now CBS Station WBBM at McClurg Court in Chicago, to face his rival for the Presidency of the United States.

So the hopeful's debate prep went, with shards of comic, rambling banter and index cards flipped to the ground.

Meanwhile, Candidate Nixon "had spent the day in solitude, with no other companion but Mrs. Nixon, in his room at the Pick-Congress [Hotel]." It seems that his debate prep was even more casual than that of the candidate he opposed.

Mythologies have emerged about this first debate, one of which seems to trace directly to White's famous book. White's greatest concern—his belief that these debates had failed to inform the public—have largely been forgotten in this less rigorous time.

It was, in effect, a simpler time—a time which boasted far fewer means of mass communication. Tonight, Candidates Harris and Trump will stage their first and possibly their only debate—but they'll be operating in a vastly different cultural and journalistic context. 

For better or worse, we've come a long way, baby! Consider what happened last Saturday night when Judge Joe Brown was invited by the Fox News Channel's Brian Kilmeade to please bring in the trash.

TV was new in 1960, and we had only three networks. That first debate was moderated by Howard K. Smith of CBS News. He was only 46 at the time, but according to the leading authority on his career, he had a substantial background:

Howard K. Smith

Howard Kingsbury Smith (May 12, 1914 – February 15, 2002) was an American journalist, radio reporter, television anchorman, political commentator, and film actor. He was one of the original members of the team of war correspondents known as the Murrow Boys.

Upon graduating [from Tulane in 1936], Smith worked for the New Orleans Item, with United Press in London, and with The New York Times. In January 1940, Smith was sent to Berlin, where he joined the Columbia Broadcasting System under Edward R. Murrow. He visited Hitler's mountain retreat at Berchtesgaden and interviewed many leading Nazis, including Hitler himself, Schutzstaffel or "SS" leader Heinrich Himmler and Propaganda Minister Joseph Goebbels.

He had interviewed Hitler himself! The overview continues:

He was one of the last American reporters to leave Berlin before Germany and the United States went to war. His 1942 book, Last Train from Berlin: An Eye-Witness Account of Germany at War describes his observations from Berlin in the year after the departure of Berlin Diary author William L. Shirer. Last Train from Berlin became an American best-seller and was reprinted in 2001, shortly before Smith's death.

Smith became a significant member of the "Murrow Boys" that made CBS the dominant broadcast news organization of the era. In May 1945, he returned to Berlin to recap the German surrender.

Like the not-yet famous Walter Cronkite, Smith had been one of the "Murrow Boys." The background continues:

In 1946, Smith went to London for CBS with the title of chief European correspondent. In 1947, he made a long broadcasting tour of most of the nations of Europe, including behind the Iron Curtain. In 1949, Knopf published his The State of Europe, a 408-page country-by-country survey of Europe that drew on these experiences and that argued "both the American and the Russian policies are mistaken"; he advocated more "social reform" for Western Europe and more "political liberty" for Eastern Europe.

Despite these criticisms of Soviet policies, Smith was one of 151 alleged Communist sympathizers named in the Red Channels report issued in June 1950 at the beginning of the Red Scare, effectively placing him on the Hollywood blacklist.

Beginning on January 11, 1959, Smith moderated Behind the News with Howard K. Smith, a CBS-TV program "analyzing news events and the significance of issues in the news". The sustaining program was broadcast on Sundays from 6 to 6:30 p.m. Eastern Time.

So matters stood on the night of that first debate. In effect, Smith was a member of an American generation a new president would describe at an early point in his inaugural address:

KENNEDY (1/20/61): Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans—born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage—and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

The new president was principally speaking of himself and of his administration. But so it also seems to have been with (some of) the journalists of the day, including Cronkite and Smith. 

That said, Smith's days at CBS would soon come to an end. As its thumbnail of Smith's career continues, the leading authority explains:

Reporting on civil-rights riots in Birmingham in the early 1960s, Smith revealed the conspiracy that existed between police commissioner Bull Connor and the KKK to beat up black people and Freedom Riders. He planned to end his report "Who Speaks for Birmingham?" (broadcast date: May 18, 1961 with a quote from Edmund Burke, "The only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good men to do nothing," but the CBS lawyers intervened. Nonetheless, the documentary caused a stir (leading CBS to be sued and its Birmingham TV station to disaffiliate), and because his contract with CBS forbade editorializing, Smith was suspended and subsequently fired by CBS President William S. Paley.

Smith was out at CBS; he moved on to the less prominent ABC. In April 1996, reviewing one of Smith's books, the Washington Post's Herbert Mitgang puckishly described the ouster from CBS:

HOWARD K. SMITH: TV HISTORY

EVENTS LEADING UP TO MY DEATH The Life of a Twentieth-Century Reporter, by Howard K. Smith St. Martin's Press/A Thomas Dunne Book. 419 pp. $24.95.

In the history of American television, Howard K. Smith deserves a place of honor for being the only correspondent ever fired by a network for daring to quote Edmund Burke, the 18th-century British statesman.

Smith, a CBS News correspondent who had risked his neck reporting from prewar Berlin through the Battle of the Bulge, was covering the riots in Birmingham during the civil rights revolution in the early 1960s. Klansmen, encouraged by Bull Connor, the police commissioner, began to beat up blacks and Freedom Riders with bicycle chains and baseball bats. After giving an account of blood flowing in the streets, Smith, a former Rhodes scholar, ended his planned documentary with a quotation from Burke: "The only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good men to do nothing."

The network powers summoned Smith to New York. He was told that his commentary violated "standards of objectivity." A CBS lawyer who vetted his broadcasts said, "Smith's quotation from Burke is straight editorial; it's out." He was asked to write a memo explaining the meaning of fairness and balance. At a showdown lunch in the office of William S. Paley, the CBS chairman reached into his pocket and drew out Smith's memo, which emphasized the need to enlighten the public. Paley threw the document across the lunch table at Smith. "I have heard all this junk before," the chairman said. "If that is what you believe, you had better go somewhere else." Goodbye, Burke. Goodbye, Smith.

"Witnessing the savage beatings in Birmingham was my worst experience since the opening of the concentration camps at the end of World War II," Smith writes.

If we choose to take Chairman Paley at his word, there was zero room for "editorializing" at that point in time. At any rate, with respect to the moderator of that first debate, "That's the way it was" at the CBS News of that time.

Is it possible that we the people—we the American people—were, at least in certain respects, a bit less frivolous then? Is it possible that we were dogged by fewer inanities at that time—perhaps by fewer distractions?

To borrow from Harper Lee, is it possible that something like this was true?

People moved slowly then. They ambled across the square, shuffled in and out of the stores around it, took their time about everything. A day was twenty-four hours long but seemed longer. There was no hurry, for there was nowhere to go, nothing to buy and no money to buy it with,

Is it possible that (some of) our journalists were (perhaps) more serious then? We know of no way to answer that question, but there were no "cable news" channels in the Big Woods, and there was no Fox News.

All we had was the three major networks! Within the communication landscape, there were no garbage cans out of which a figure like Judge Joe Brown might be invited to crawl.

Tonight, two candidates will take the stage for their first, and perhaps for their only, debate. 

One candidate was unexpectedly thrust onto the scene when President Biden withdrew from the race. Whatever her actual merits and demerits might be, she has struggled to assemble a campaign as various flyweights fill the airwaves, asking why it has taken her so long.

The other candidate arrived on the scene in 2015 after four years of pretending that President Barack Obama had been born in Kenya. He had sent his agents to Hawaii to figure the whole thing out!

The Fox News Channel had provided the platform for that long-running con. Last Saturday night, with tonight's debate approaching, that channel sent Brian Kilmeade onto the air to introduce Judge Joe Brown.

Brown is a once-famous "TV judge." He crawled out of the garbage can last Saturday night in a type of performance which couldn't have occurred in the days when Theodore White worried about the failure of the television debates to fully inform us the people.

The year was 2024, and we now had "podcasts."  On one such recent broadcast, Judge Joe had called Candidate Harris "a piece of shit." Also, he had referred to her as a "humping hyena."

That performance made him a perfect fit for a "journalist" like Kilmeade. 

This morning, as the debate draws near, the New York Times fills its pages with an assortment of thumb-sucking drivel—with imitations of journalism. Also, the Times insists on ignoring the gruesome "journalistic" culture which now surrounds our election campaigns and our ersatz debates.

We've come a long way, citizens! Candidate Kennedy rose from his nap. Decades later, Brian Kilmeade was eager to bring in the trash.

Kilmeade opened the garbage can. When he did, the major news orgs of Blue America politely averted their gaze. 

Tomorrow: Kilmeade opens the can


Jonathan Chait, first right, then wrong!

MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 9, 2024

Harris's problem with Biden: In our view, Jonathan Chait is right as rain.

After that, he's wrong! So it goes in his latest post for New York magazine.

Chait starts by challenging a fairly typical, thumb-sucker piece by the New York Times. As he starts his post, he offers good sound advice:

Kamala Harris Should Cut Joe Biden Loose

Kamala Harris is navigating a tricky dilemma, according to the New York Times. She “will try to promote herself as a change candidate without criticizing President Biden.” The story quotes numerous Democrats, inside and outside the administration, as to precisely how Harris should manage the delicate balance between her loyalty to Biden and the public’s clamoring for change during her debate with Donald Trump.

I have no reason to doubt that this accurately conveys the calculus within the Harris campaign. That struggle was apparent in Harris’s interview with CNN, when she responded to a question about turning the page buy contrasting herself exclusively against Donald Trump, rather than her current boss. My question is: Why is this a struggle? Why not directly repudiate unpopular Biden positions?

[...]

Rather than trying to balance loyalty to Biden against catering to the desires of the electorate, Harris’s strategy should focus entirely on catering to the public with no attention whatsoever to Biden’s feelings.

"There is no rule requiring Harris to own every action Biden has taken," Chait says. In that assessment, it seems to us that he's right as rain.

For the record, Candidate Harris is badly compromised by an array of bad performances by President Biden.  In Ingmar Bergman's iconic 1957 film, The Seventh Seal, a group of medieval characters bemoan the silence of God. 

Disastrously, so it has been with President Biden during the bulk of his term:

He refused to explain his border policy, no matter how unseemly the whole mishegoss became in his first years in office. 

Additionally, he never bothered to address the increases in the cost of living which have—rightly or wrongly, fairly or otherwise—turned many voters against Biden himself, and now against Candidate Harris. His long-time permissive behavior toward his unruly son created a further mess. 

The silences—the refusal to speak—may be explained by some loss of cognitive function. But Candidate Harris is badly compromised by this otherwise inexcusable array of failures to perform.

Some Democrats want to put President Biden on Mount Rushmore. In our view, there's none so blind as those who will not see.

Alas! As the essay in question turns, that almost seems to include Chait himself! He's right in saying that Candidate Harris should go ahead and voice disagreements with actions by. and policies of, President Biden. But we think he's way wrong when he heads down this road:

Exactly why Biden has proven so toxic has confounded Democrats. I sympathize with their bewilderment. The economy is excellent, and people should be crediting Biden’s management rather than blaming him for an inflation surge that was mostly beyond his control and has almost entirely receded.

At this point, alas, public opinion is what it is. And I fear that Democrats have allowed their sentiment that Biden has gotten an unfair rap to cloud their judgment.

"The economy is excellent," Chait says. The inflation surge "was mostly beyond [President Biden's] control."

As far as we know, that second statement is accurate. As far as we know, the first statement is also accurate when we compare the American post-Covid economy to the post-Covid economies of pretty much everyone else.

Why, then, has President Biden "proven [to be] so toxic?" Here again, chalk it up, at least in part, to his refused to address these topics—to his refusal to sit down and explain the world to us, the American people. 

He didn't offer fireside chats or explainers from the Oval. It may be that he was simply unable to perform those basic functions. That said, he failed to perform those basic duties to a stunning degree.

It's stunning to us that so many Democrats are "confounded" by this state of affairs—and are unable to see the problem this has caused for Candidate Harris.

In our view, Chait is right as rain about that key first point. Candidate Harris should feel free to disagree with the policies and the performance of President Biden, where doing so seems to make sense.  

That said, the general dumbness of our national discourse makes that a difficult move. What isn't hard to see is the array of failures by President Biden—an array of failures with which Candidate Harris is now saddled.

Sadly for those confounded / bewildered Democrats, those chains of love are making it hard to keep Trump out of the Oval.


DEBATES: Kilmeade opened the garbage can!

MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 9, 2024

A tale of two revolutions: In yesterday morning's print editions, the New York Times offered a front-page report concerning debate prep.

According to the Times report, Candidate Harris has gone all in, Candidate Trump a bit less:

Inside the Trump-Harris Debate Prep: Method Acting, Insults, Tough Questions

Vice President Kamala Harris is holed up for five days in a Pittsburgh hotel, doing highly choreographed debate practice sessions ahead of Tuesday night’s clash. There’s a stage and replica TV lighting and an adviser in full Lee Strasberg method-acting mode, not just playing Donald J. Trump but inhabiting him, wearing a boxy suit and a long tie.

The former president’s preparations are more improv. They are pointedly called not “debate prep” but “policy time,” meant to refresh him on his record. Nobody is playing Ms. Harris; sometimes his aides sit at a long table opposite him and bat questions back and forth, or other times he pulls up a chair closer to them. Mr. Trump has held just a handful of sessions so far, interrupting one at his Las Vegas hotel so he and his advisers could go up to his suite to watch Ms. Harris’s convention speech.

Candidate Harris has gone all in. As for Candidate Trump, let it be said that his "handful of sessions" dates back at least as far as Thursday night, August 23.

Whatever! Tomorrow evening's event stands at the end of a long and winding societal road. That road traces back to 1960—to the sudden emergence of a new communications medium.

All of a sudden, out of nowhere, the American people had television sets! Thus began the winding road which has taken us to the eve of tomorrow evening's event.

In The Making of The President 1960, Theodore White said that year's inaugural TV debates "confirmed a revolution in American Presidential politics." In a long and winding road of his own—attention spans may have been somewhat longer then—White described the spread of the new technology behind this revolution:

WHITE (page 279): ...Ten years earlier (in 1950) of America’s then 40,000,000 families only 11 per cent (or 4,400,000) enjoyed the pleasures of a television set. By 1960 the number of American families had grown to 44,000,000, and of these no less than 88 per cent, or 40,000,000, possessed a television set. The installation of this equipment had in some years of the previous decade partaken of the quality of stampede—and in the peak stampede years of 1954—1955—1956 no fewer than 10,000 American homes had each been installing a new television set for the first time every single day of the year. The change that came about with this stampede is almost immeasurable. 

We the people had new equipment—and White said the societal effects were substantial, even revolutionary.

Our TV sets now ruled the day. "Within a single decade the medium has exploded to a dimension in shaping the American mind that rivals that of America’s schools and churches," White wrote. He was speaking in the present tense—as the revolution occurred—and he offered this assessment:

WHITE: The blast effect of this explosion on American culture in the single decade of television’s passage from commercial experiment to social menace will remain a subject of independent study and controversy for years.

So the highly prescient author said! 

Theodore White's iconic book won a Pulitzer Prize in 1962. It had been published in July 1961, after being excerpted in an edition of Life magazine whose cover photo bore this title: 

A NEW LIFE FOR IKE DOWN ON THE FARM.

By clicking here, you can peruse every page of that edition of Life—and sure enough! Two months earlier, Newton Minow, the FCC chairman, had delivered a famous speech to television executives—the famous speech in which he denounced the product they were sending into American homes as "a vast wasteland."

For the record, Minow had been appointed to his post by a new president—by President John F. Kennedy! By common understanding, Kennedy's election may have been one of the fruits of the revolution White described in his Pulitzer Prize-winning book.

Now we're engaged in a great civil war—in another such technological revolution. Tomorrow evening's event will be taking place in the context of the "explosion on American culture" of that latest revolution—an explosion many of our traditional news orgs have gone to great lengths to ignore.

As of September 1960, television had burst on the scene and had entered American homes. As we noted in Saturday's report, Teddy White was appalled by the dumbing-down of American discourse which, or so he said, accompanied this event:

WHITE (page 291): ...[T]here certainly were real differences of philosophy and ideas between John F. Kennedy and Richard M. Nixon—yet rarely in American history has there been a political campaign that discussed issues less or clarified them less.

The TV debates, in retrospect, were the greatest opportunity ever for such discussion, but it was an opportunity missed. It is difficult to blame the form of the debates for this entirely; yet the form and the compulsions of the medium must certainly have been contributory. The nature of both TV and radio is that they abhor silence and “dead time.” All TV and radio discussion programs are compelled to snap question and answer back and forth as if the contestants were adversaries in an intellectual tennis match. Although every experienced newspaperman and inquirer knows that the most thoughtful and responsive answers to any difficult question come after long pause, and that the longer the pause the more illuminating the thought that follows it, nonetheless the electronic media cannot bear to suffer a pause of more than five seconds; a pause of thirty seconds of dead time on air seems interminable. Thus, snapping their two-and-a-half-minute answers back and forth, both candidates could only react for the cameras and the people, they could not think. And, since two and a half minutes permit only a snatch of naked thought and a spatter of raw facts, both candidates, whenever caught out on a limb with a thought too heavy for two-minute exploration, a thought seemingly too bold or fresh to be accepted by the conditioned American mind, hastily scuttled back toward center as soon as they had enunciated the thought. 

Theodore White was appalled by the "opportunity missed." In his view, this is what had happened:

In a bow to the very nature of "the electronic media," Candidates Kennedy and Nixon had been restricted to eight (8) minutes for their opening statements, then to a mere two and a half minutes for their answers to the questions they were asked.

White's assessment surely seems quaint today. "Two and a half minutes permit only a snatch of naked thought and a spatter of raw facts," he said in his famous book. That time limit—a concession to the demands of a new electronic medium—meant that the candidates had been unable to explore their ideas on various subjects in suitable detail. 

Tomorrow night's event will run on a different road. Stating the obvious, eight-minute opening statements would be viewed as unthinkable today. There will be no such opening statements at tomorrow evening's event.

Also this:

Tomorrow night, the candidates will be given two minutes to respond to questions. But in the June 27 Biden-Trump debate, the moderators frequently reminded the candidates that they had only used a small portion of their two-minute allotments in the "answers" they had provided to the questions they had been asked.

For the record, that was now—and White's book was written back then. Rightly or wrongly, he assessed the effects of the TV revolution in this manner:

WHITE (page 292): If there was to be any forum for issues, the TV debates should have provided such a forum. Yet they did not: every conceivable problem was raised by the probing imagination of the veteran correspondents who questioned the candidates. But all problems were answered in two-minute snatches, either with certain facts or with safe convictions. Neither man could pause to indulge in the slow reflection and rumination, the slow questioning of alternatives before decision, that is the inner quality of leadership.

White was describing the effects of one new communications medium. Almost surely, he couldn't have imagined the array of new media under which our failing discourse suffers today.

Tomorrow evening's event will suffer under the effects of a much broader "revolution." Theodore White, an erudite person—indeed, an egghead—could never have imagined the effects of this revolution. 

Most likely, he couldn't have imagined the two-hour "interview" with Candidate Trump staged by Mark Levin over Labor Day weekend on the Fox News Channel. 

We discussed that "interview" all last week. Could the highly erudite Theodore White have imagined some such thing?

Sadly, it gets even worse. Almost surely, White couldn't have imagined the garbage can Brian Kilmeade opened this past Saturday night as part of his weekly primetime show on that same "news channel." 

It's as we noted yesterday. Appearing on the type of podcast we discussed in Saturday's report, the retired "TV judge" Joe Brown had recently called Kamala Harris "a piece of shit." Beyond that, he had referred to Harris as the "humping hyena." 

This is one fruit of our new revolution. Also, that made Brown the perfect guest for Kilmeade's program on Fox, where one primetime star keeps asking if Hunter Biden has started "banging" or "f*cking" first lady Jill Biden yet.

(We've documented that astonishing conduct on three separate occasions. Elsewhere, it's nothing but silence.)

Theodore White was appalled by the alleged effects of one new medium—of the invasion of the TV set. Today, we labor under the strain of "cable news" and social media, and under the strain of the several other new media whose onset preceded the onset of those new media.

Kilmeade opened the garbage can Saturday night, as he so commonly does—as he is paid to do. Preparation for tomorrow's event takes place within the context of the astonishing culture these new "revolutions" have spawned.

The New York Times won't report or discuss that new, degraded political culture. (Neither will other cable news stars.) Could White have imagined that?

Tomorrow: Candidate Kennedy arose from a nap. Over at the Fox News Channel, it was time to hear from Joe Brown.


SUNDAY: Pac-10 greatness emerges again!

SUNDAY, SEPTEMBER 8, 2024

Brian Kilmeade's squalor: With each passing week, it's becoming even more obvious.

It's obvious why the Deep State felt they had to destroy the Pac-10. Yesterday, refugees from that mightiest conference went out and did it again. 

Last week, it was Southern Cal taking LSU down. Yesterday, it was the Golden Bears, on the road at Auburn—and it was also the Wildcats (and/or Sun Devils) of Arizona State:

Additional Pacific-10 greatness:

Cal: 21
Auburn: 14

Mississippi State: 23
Arizona State: 30

Utah also took Baylor down. But as a member of the Big 12, Baylor is only SEC-adjacent.

It's as we told you last week—the allegedly "dominant" conference just keeps losing games! Luckily, if you ignore all the games a conference has lost, that conference has won every game!

At any rate, the Deep State knew it had to act—and act the Deep State did! This gives us the chance to ponder the meaning of the word "dominant" in this particular context.

 (Full disclosure: A conference can be "very good"—it could even be "the best"—without perhaps being "dominant.")

Is the SEC a "dominant" conference? We've been asking the question for years.

That circuit has lost some games this year, but the Pac-10 goes on forever!

Brian Kilmeade's guest: We don't have the stomach for it today. We don't have the stomach to transcribe Judge Joe Brown's disgraceful performance on the Fox News Channel last night.

On a gruesome podcast of the type we mentioned yesterday, Brown recently called Kamala Harris "a piece of shit" and referred to her as the "humping hyena." That made him the perfect guest for Brian Kilmeade's Saturday evening program for Fox.

Today's question: Is there anything people like Kilmeade won't do to maintain their positions at Fox? Or is it as Cummings once said?

We'll force ourselves to transcribe this garbage-can conduct tomorrow. For today, we'll offer two points:

This is the world in which we now live. Also, the New York Times is never going to report or discuss that fact.

(Long ago, Brown graduated from UCLA. That school is in the Big 10.)


SATURDAY: It's the sheer stupidity, Stupid!

SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 7, 2024

As the social order turns: Believe it or not, we're going to have a debate next week!

More likely, we're going to pretend to have a debate. Or perhaps it should be stated this way:

We're going to have what poses as a debate.

We're going to have something presented as a debate—but it seems there will be only one. Back in 1960, Candidates Kennedy and Nixon held four. Initially, the Kennedy camp had suggested five.

Such as it was at the time, nationwide polling switched after those famous debates, with Candidate Kennedy taking the lead away from Candidate Nixon. By the end of the fourth debate, Gallup had Kennedy leading Nixon by three points, 49-46. 

There's no way to know if those figures were accurate. In the end, the nationwide popular vote was a virtual tie, with Kennedy at 49.72 percent, Nixon at 49.55.

In The Making of The President 1960, Theodore White assessed the performances of the two candidates in their famous debates. When it came to the value of these debates as a way to educate the public, he offered a gloomy assessment, built around a complaint which seems almost quaint today.

By what rules did those debates proceed? By mutual agreement, opening statements by the candidates were eight minutes long, White noted. 

No one would tolerate that today! Grumpily, he offered this larger assessment: 

WHITE (page 291): It is much more difficult to measure the debates in terms of issues, of education of the American people to the tasks and problems before them. For there certainly were real differences of philosophy and ideas between John F. Kennedy and Richard M. Nixon—yet rarely in American history has there been a political campaign that discussed issues less or clarified them less.

The TV debates, in retrospect, were the greatest opportunity ever for such discussion, but it was an opportunity missed. It is difficult to blame the form of the debates for this entirely; yet the form and the compulsions of the medium must certainly have been contributory. The nature of both TV and radio is that they abhor silence and “dead time.” All TV and radio discussion programs are compelled to snap question and answer back and forth as if the contestants were adversaries in an intellectual tennis match. Although every experienced newspaperman and inquirer knows that the most thoughtful and responsive answers to any difficult question come after long pause, and that the longer the pause the more illuminating the thought that follows it, nonetheless the electronic media cannot bear to suffer a pause of more than five seconds; a pause of thirty seconds of dead time on air seems interminable. Thus, snapping their two-and-a-half-minute answers back and forth, both candidates could only react for the cameras and the people, they could not think. And, since two and a half minutes permit only a snatch of naked thought and a spatter of raw facts, both candidates, whenever caught out on a limb with a thought too heavy for two-minute exploration, a thought seemingly too bold or fresh to be accepted by the conditioned American mind, hastily scuttled back toward center as soon as they had enunciated the thought. 

Their opening statements were eight minutes long! After that, the candidates were restricted to a mere two and a half minutes in their answers to the questions they were asked to address.

This time limit "permitted only a snatch of naked thought and a spatter of raw facts," White complained. As an exploration of the day's major issues, the debates thereby turned out to be "an opportunity lost."

So said the famous journalist in his iconic book. It's safe to say that he had never seen anything like the sheer stupidity, joined to undisguised propaganda, which defines our public discourse today.

When it comes to our current White House campaign, only one summary captures the state of the culture:

It's the stupidity, Stupid!

We refer to the sheer stupidity put on display by "interviews" like the one we discussed in the course of this past week. Also, by the "interviews" described by Helen Lewis in her recent painful essay for The Atlantic.

Lewis writes from across the pond. Under current arrangements, this frees her to jettison the blinders which are widely maintained Over Here.

In her painful essay. Lewis describes the broader array of "interviews" in which one current nominee has been participating. We can't repost every word, but Lewis starts like this:

Trump’s Red-Pill Podcast Tour

One weirdness of listening to Donald Trump talk for any length of time is that, amid the syllable minestrone, he occasionally says something that is both intelligible and honest.

One such moment came during his appearance on the popular podcast hosted by the computer scientist Lex Fridman this week. “To get the word out,” Trump said, is important in politics, and television was becoming “a little bit older and maybe less significant.” The online sphere—podcasts and forums such as Spaces, on X—has usurped its importance. “I just see that these platforms are starting to dominate; they’re getting very big numbers,” Trump added.

Way back when, White complained about the way the TV debates failed to educate the public. 

Speaking with a computer scientist, Candidate Trump has now said that television itself has been losing importance—is being overtaken by the newer medium known as the podcast.

Trump said this to a computer scientist living in Texas. A bit later in her essay, Lewis describes the sheer stupidity which define the types of "interviews" in question:

...[I]n the past few months, Trump has become a fully fledged podcast bro, talking with the livestreamer Adin Ross about the prosecution of the rapper Young Thug, shooting the breeze with the YouTuber turned wrestler Logan Paul about German shepherds, and interrogating the former stand-up comedian Theo Von about cocaine. His running mate, J. D. Vance, meanwhile, sat down with the Nelk Boys, where he manspread luxuriantly between cases of their hard seltzer, Happy Dad. (Product placement is a big feature of interviews on popular bro influencers’ shows: A proprietary energy drink or iced tea, or a copy of their book, is usually floating around in the back of the shot.)

In this presidential election, both candidates are mostly avoiding set-piece interviews with traditional outlets—but only one can rely on a ready-made alternative media ecosystem. Kamala Harris finally did her first full-length sit-down last week, bringing Tim Walz along as a wingman. Instead of submitting Harris to adversarial accountability interviews, her team is wildly outspending the Trump campaign on digital ads, taking the Democrats’ message directly to voters. The Republicans have a cheaper, punkier strategy: hang out with all the boys.

“The funniest component of the Trump campaign’s media strategy so far is its commitment to dipshit outreach,” the Substacker Max Read wrote last month. The constellation of influencers with whom Trump has become enmeshed does not yet have a widely accepted name. “Manosphere” comes close, because it links together the graduates of YouTube prank channels, the Ultimate Fighting Championship boss Dana White’s sprawling empire, shitposters on Elon Musk’s X, and the male-dominated stand-up comedy scene. This is a subset of the podcast world with its own distinct political tang; it is suffused with the idea that society has become too feminized and cautious, and the antidote is spaces dedicated to energy drinks, combat sports, and saying stupid things about Hitler. Think of this as Trump’s red-pill podcast tour.

These podcasts are often self-consciously anti-intellectual, marketing themselves as the home of deliberately dumb acts, edgy jokes, and rambling conversations about UFOs and sports statistics. Their spiritual daddy is Joe Rogan, but whereas he presents himself as a disaffected liberal, the new generation is happy to back right-wing causes and candidates: The Nelk Boys danced the YMCA with Trump at a rally in 2020, and Ross has explicitly endorsed Trump for president.

In his famous book, White described a presidential campaign which was presented to the public by "forty or fifty men, all veterans of their craft, all proud of their integrity and their calling."

According to White, these menand at the time, they probably were all menwere "the finest in the profession of American journalism." They were "men of seniority and experience, some of them men of deep scholarship and wisdom."

That was White's assessment. Today, those journalists have been replaced by the assortment of flyweights and clowns to whom Trump turns for his interview sessions.

That includes the fellow who pretended to interview Trump for two hours on the Fox News Channel last weekend.

On that same "cable news" channel, the propaganda flows smoothly all day and all night, with D-list comedians and former professional wrestlers invited on the air to pretend to analyze the events of the day. For better or worse, the jugglers and clowns have replaced the proud professional journalists, with ranking journalists at organizations like the New York Times refusing to notice, report or discuss this remarkable cultural phenomenon.

For better or worse, this is the classic revolt from below. In classic fashion, the elites who still sit at the top of the heap avert their gaze as it happens. 

Across the pond, Lewis takes notice.

It's the stupidity, Stupid! The sheer stupidity of the "shitposting" which happens on Fox, joined to the sheer stupidity of the way the finer elements agree to avert their gaze, as they once did at Versailles.

Within this context, we're going to have a debate next week. No one knows what's going to happenbut we're scheduled for only one, not the traditional three, and surely not four or five.

In her essay, Lewis describes the sheer stupidity which now defines the cultural context. We tried to do the same thing with respect to the recent imitation of journalism performed on Fox by Mark Levin, AKA The Man Who Screams.

Our high priests today are screamers and clowns. In the finer precincts of Blue America, the stars avert their gaze.

This includes the stars of MSNBCthe overpaid "beloved colleagues" in whom we who live in Blue America been told to believe.


CHALLENGED: He'd never seen a nominee like Trump!

FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 6, 2024

Or a journalist like Levin: As a nation, we've come a very long way, baby, from the journalistic landscape described by Theodore White.

His iconic book bears a famous title: The Making of The President 1960. Key point:

In effect, White was reporting from an earlier, vastly different nation as he described the "forty or fifty men, all veterans of their craft, all proud of their integrity and their calling," who could be seen "rocking groggily off a plane at between one and two in the morning" as they followed Candidates Kennedy and Nixon around the country during that year's campaign.

White's assessment of those campaign reporters was clear. "The men assigned to cover a Presidential campaign are, normally, the finest in the profession of American journalism," he wrote. In White's view, the journalists assigned to cover Candidates Kennedy and Nixon were "men of seniority and experience, some of them men of deep scholarship and wisdom." 

They were the brightest and the best. Even when these proud men encountered the undisguised disdain of Candidate Nixon and his staff, White offered this slightly pockmarked account of their professional attitude:

"Predominantly Democratic in orientation, the reporters who followed Nixon were, nonetheless, for the sake of their own careers, anxious to write as well, as vividly, as substantively as possible about him."

So the writer wrote. On the other hand, White also said that all the reporting from the two planes was "colored" by the divergent attitudes of those reporters toward the two candidates—and he described a type of astounding misbehavior on the Kennedy plane:

"By the last weeks of the campaign, those forty or fifty national correspondents who had followed Kennedy since the beginning of his electoral exertions into the November days had become more than a press corps—they had become his friends and, some of them, his most devoted admirers. When the bus or the plane rolled or flew through the night, they sang songs of their own composition about Mr. Nixon and the Republicans in chorus with the Kennedy staff and felt that they, too, were marching like soldiers of the Lord to the New Frontier."

 The writer also wrote that! In doing so, White helped establish a certain picture—a picture which has never gone away—in which the establishment press aggressively favors the Democratic candidate. 

White's portrait helped establish that powerful storyline. That said, he had almost surely never seen a journalistic performance in the course of a White House campaign like the performance which occurred on the Fox News Channel last weekend.

As we noted yesterday, White was writing, in effect, a version of The Little Presidential Campaign in The Big Woods. There was no cable news at that time. There wasn't even a CNN, let alone a Fox News Channel or an MSNBC.

Social media didn't exist; neither did the Internet. To all intents and purposes, there was no national "talk radio" of the kind Rush Limbaugh brought in several decades later.

Walter Cronkite hadn't yet become the anchor of CBS News! Nor was there anything like a Candidate Trump, or anything like the Fox News Channel's Life, Liberty and Levin.

Last Saturday and Sunday nights, Candidate Trump's Labor Day weekend was marked by a pair of hourlong appearances on that primetime cable news program. There's no reason why the candidate shouldn't have appeared on that program, but the journalism offered there represents a major challenge to the American system—to the American way of life, imperfect as it has been.

In our view, White described astounding misconduct taking place on the Kennedy plane. He said that all the reporting from that plane was "colored by" the correspondents' attitudes toward the candidate on that plane.

Sixty-four years later, White's portrait should be sobering. But he described nothing resembling the journalistic behavior which met a statement like the one shown below—a statement made by Candidate Trump early in Saturday evening's program, starting at 8:05 p.m. Eastern.

In this passage, the candidate is midway along in the first "answer" he gave to Levin's initial "question." As he starts, he's speaking about Candidate Harris, who he has already described as "Comrade Kamala." 

As the statement shown below begins, the candidate is several minutes into his first "answer" of the night. His stream of frequently false or unfounded assertions continues along from there:

TRUMP (8/31/24): I saw today she wants to build a wall. She fought me, for years, on the wall. I built hundreds of miles of wall, but she was one of the people that fought me—one of the Democrats, but one of the people. And you look at how she's changed, and it's so phony, because— 

And all of this stuff— You know, with politics, it's usually their first thought, that's where they are. And her first thought is Marxism.

She's not going to have a wall. She's going to have people—we'll have a hundred million people in this country within four years if she gets elected—a hundred million. They've already allowed twenty million in—we think. I think it's a lot higher than that.

And Mark, they come from prisons and jails—there's a slight difference. And they come from mental institutions and insane asylums. And they come also, as terrorists, at a level that we've never seen before. And they're pouring into the country—we have millions of people coming in, but hundreds of thousands of those people are criminals from Venezuela. 

They take them off the streets of Caracas and bring them into our country and then they announce their crime rate is way down. You know, that's what they've done—their crime rate is way down now. But they come from Africa, Asia, the Middle East and from South America. And they are destroying our country. 

Then you watch her, like at the convention, "Oh, everything is just peachy dory." But migrant crime is turning out to be a disaster. Many, many people are killed and raped and mugged and everything else—these are tough people. But they let them out of jails 

You take Venezuela. Their crime rate is down at a number they've never had before. They're taking all of their criminals and busing them into the United States of America and dropping them and saying, "If you come back, we will kill you." And then I'm supposed to sit and debate this person, and she'll say, "Oh no, it's wonderful, it's wonderful," and now she's going around saying we had the weakest border in history.

She was the border czar. She was put in charge of the border...

It was now 8:07 on the clock, but the candidate's ramble continued on from here. The second question from Levin wouldn't come until 8:11. When that "question" finally came, that question looked like this:

LEVIN: Let me follow up with you. In the book, you have some very compelling photos of the border.

[...] 

She says if this so-called "bipartisan border bill" hits her desk, she will sign it. Not a single Republican in the House supported it. Three Republicans in the Senate—it was negotiated in secret. 

She never tells us what's in the bill. "Catch and release"—you put an end to that. That's in the bill. It would be a statute.

[...]

She's hiding out from the press.  Is she a liar? Is that why she's hiding out from the press? She doesn't want to tell the American people just how radical she actually is?

The candidate's long and rambling initial answer had led to a long and rambling "follow-up question." We're showing you the end of that rambling question, where the rubber, such as it was, melted into the road.

As any sane person can plainly see, this second "question" wasn't a question at all. It was instead an overtly partisan statement. At this point, we'll make the following guess:

As of November 1960, Theodore White had never seen an example of "campaign journalism" which resembled Levin's performance last weekend in even the slightest way.

Was something "wrong" with Levin's performance on this year's Labor Day weekend? Inevitably, that's a matter of judgment. Before we address that question, let's make a quick observation about what the candidate himself had said:

In that rambling presentation, the candidate was touching on a campaign issue which does present a serious challenge to his Democratic opponent. 

For whatever reason, President Biden never attempted to explain the shambolic border policies which led to large increases in "undocumented" or "illegal" border crossings during the first three years of his term.  In our view, this was a major abdication of duty on President Biden's part.

There is, of course, no way of knowing what Vice President Harris may have thought, or may have advised, about the administration's border policies. But in the impoverished intellectual landscape of the American political discourse, it has always been assumed that vice presidents agree with the policies of the administration within which they serve.

When sitting vice presidents have run for higher office, they have routinely been saddled by that lapse in logic. In the current case, performers on the Fox News Channel have been asserting, for the past five weeks, that Candidate Harris had in fact been "the border czar"—improbably, that she had in fact been "put in charge of the border" during the Biden years.

As of last weekend, each of those familiar claims had been widely challenged—but after making those claims, Candidate Trump droned on. He had already made an array of unsupported claims about the prisons and jails of Venezuela, along with that nation's "mental institutions and insane asylums."

He had made an array of unsupported claims about the "hundreds of thousands" of criminals from Venezuela who were, in some way which went undescribed, allegedly being bused into this country by some unnamed entity, and who were then being told, by unnamed persons, "If you come back [to Venezuela], we will kill you."

In fairness, the candidate's reference to the busing of "hundreds of thousands" of such criminals was a step back from his earlier claims, in which he said that millions of criminals from Venezuela were being bused into this country by some unnamed entity or persons. 

That said, a wide array of the candidate's statements in the passage we have posted have been challenged, again and again, by reputable fact-checkers. But as the candidate made these fuzzy,  inflammatory claims, the journalist from the Fox News Channel simply sat and stared.  

The journalist asked for no clarifications. The journalist asked for no evidence in support of these widely challenged claims. 

Who was busing these hundreds of thousands of criminals into the United States? Where were these buses entering the country? Why weren't these buses being stopped?

Also, who was telling these criminals that they would be killed if they returned to their country of origin? These are blindingly obvious questions, but none of these questions were asked.

In fact, the journalist from the Fox News Channel never asked any such questions during this pair of hour-long programs. Looking back to that earlier age, we think it's fair to make this assumption:

As of November 1960, Theodore White had never seen an example of campaign journalism which resembled what happened on these Fox News Channel programs. Imperfect though they may have been, no one on those campaign planes would have dreamed of behaving in the way Levin did all through the course of last weekend's programs.

In our view, it's also fair to make this assumption:

This new kind of campaign journalism presents a challenge to this nation's most basic political and governmental systems. In our view, this kind of journalism presents a fairly obvious challenge to this nation's way of life.

There's a great deal more which could be said about what happened on last weekend's hourlong programs. For the record, we think it's also fair to make this assumption:

As of November 1960, Theodore White had never seen a presidential nominee who trafficked in false or unsupported claims in the way this candidate does. 

It isn't just the journalism which Theodore White had never seen. Almost surely, he'd never seen a nominee like Donald J. Trump—though he'd also never seen a campaign journalist like the Fox News Channel's Mark Levin.

He'd never seen anything like what transpired, for two solid hours, on last weekend's "cable news" programs. That said, also this:

It's possible that White had never seen anything like the refusal of the New York Times to report on, and to discuss, what happened on those TV programs, but also on the Fox News Channel on a regular basis. It's possible that White had never seen such an avoidance of high-end journalistic duty.

In our view, what has happened on MSNBC has been bad enough. What has happened on the Fox News Channel represents an existential challenge to the American system, imperfect as it has been.

Presumably, there was no perfect journalism during the 1960 campaign. That said:

Theodore White had never seen anything like what was broadcast last weekend. Nor had he ever seen anything like the garbage can the Fox News Channel opens at 10 p.m. each weekday night—or anything like the imitations of journalism which precede that clownlike "cable news" program.

Beyond that, he'd never seen anything like the refusal to report which has been practiced by the modern-day New York Times—but also by the cable news stars on MSNBC, Blue America's "cable news" counterpart.

In effect, White was living in the Big Woods when he wrote his famous book. There was no Mark Levin in those woods. There was no Jesse Watters and there was no Greg Gutfeld. There were no D-list comedians and no former professional wrestler churning out corporate dogma as they pretended to discuss the nation's news.

What happened on Fox last weekend represents a major challenge to us the people—to the American system. For the record, we know of no evidence to suggest that we will be able to meet this challenge in the years ahead.

Next week: Debates