Kid Pareene and the Michelle Rhee watch!

TUESDAY, JANUARY 8, 2013

What will Frontline give us: At Salon, Alex “Kid” Pareene thinks history may happen tonight.

He think tonight’s Frontline may take Michelle Rhee down a peg. For Pareene’s reasoning, click here.

Everything is possible! We will only note this:

At the Frontline site, Jason Breslow previews tonight's show with pitch-perfect Standard Rhee Bullshit. The bee flies into the second grade room! Teacher grabs it and eats it!

What will happen tonight? We’ll note one irony:

In the interview to which Parenee links, Frontline's John Merrow says this about Rhee:
MERROW: She’s an absolutely fascinating person. She’s charismatic, smart and hardworking. She said to me early on, “I’m going to wear you out.” And she did. I think even if I had been her age she would have worn me out. She wore us out in another way when she became so elusive and didn’t want to answer any questions, particularly about the test-scores scandal.
Rhee “didn’t want to answer any questions about the test score scandal?” Merrow, please! Which test score scandal? The test score scandal when she was a teacher? Or the one when she ran DC's schools?

Rhee is one of the modern world’s greatest dissemblers. But so what? The discourse has always been fixed to enable her power-backed jive.

What is going to happen tonight? Did we mention the way the discourse has always been fixed to enable Rhee’s jive?

For the record: John Merrow has done lots of good work about public schools. We'll see what happens tonight.

The liberal world and the magical coin!

TUESDAY, JANUARY 8, 2013

After that, Barack and the beanstalk: Should Barack Obama mint a $1 trillion platinum coin?

Kevin Drum keeps saying no, annoying some of his commenters. Paul Krugman, Atrios and Matt Yglesias have all said yes.

Would it be legal for Obama to mint such a magical coin? Drum says no; we can’t tell you. Here at THE HOWLER, we’re more struck by the fact that this bizarre discussion is even taking place.

Should Obama mint a $1 trillion coin? When leading liberals say he should, we’re acknowledging a basic fact: Public discourse has come to an end in this country. As liberals, we are completely unable to argue a case with the American people. Nor can we assume that some group of national elders will step in to derail the idea of going over the debt limit cliff.

(Although that may very well happen.)

One side wants to stop paying the nation’s bills. In response, the other side proposes minting a magical coin! In fact, our discourse has been insane for years, but it has been very hard for people to see this.

Even today, those liberals are making that suggestion without quite noting how insane this whole discussion is.

Two points:

We have always said that we’d like a president who can find sacks of money out in the woods, obviating the need for taxation. Finally, our idea has begun to catch on.

Also:

After Obama mints this coin, will he plant that magical beanstalk? Conservatives have talked like children for years. Our side has never known how to go to the public and explain this fact.

They’ve talked like children for many years. At long last, our leaders have joined them.

HEAT VERSUS LIGHT AMONG LIBERAL ELITES!

TUESDAY, JANUARY 8, 2013

Part 2—Charles Blow defines the two tribes: Is America facing “a new Civil War?”

That’s what Andrew O’Hehir said last weekend at Salon (see THE DAILY HOWLER, 1/7/13). Given the sweep of our first Civil War, this sounds like a troubling notion.

Strangely, though, O’Hehir says he isn’t even clear what this new Civil War is about. “The new Civil War is not entirely or even principally about race, although there’s no mistaking its pernicious racial component,” he writes. A bit later, he adds this: “While the Civil War of the 1860s really was about slavery first and foremost...the true subject matter of the new Civil War is much less clear.”

As it turns out, this new Civil War mainly seems to involve disagreements about abortion rights and same-sex marriage. Those disagreements do exist, of course, although opinion is rapidly changing about the latter topic.

That said: Unless we just like to whip ourselves up, do these disagreements really define a “new Civil War?”

We liberals tend to get upset when the other tribe compares political disputes to profound historical events. (Does the number of abortions in this country constitute a new Holocaust?) But as we liberals belatedly build our response to the world of Fox, we seem inclined to the sweeping tribal claims that tend to make the blood race.

These tribal claims bring on the heat. But do they blot out the light?

Is Michigan a border state? Is North Dakota now part of the neo-Confederacy? Some commenters praised these peculiar claims when O’Hehir advanced them at Salon. But aside from the need to stir the blood, do these claims really make sense?

Whatever! Increasingly, liberal leaders like to picture a world in which two starkly different tribes clash in the night. In one example of this impulse, Lisa de Moraes, the Post TV writer, quoted a Hollywood producer as he mused about The Other last week:
DE MORAES (1/5/13): John Wilkes Booth "could be the poster child for the tea party," Erik Jendresen, exec producer of National Geographic Channel's "Killing Lincoln," told shocked TV critics at Winter TV Press Tour 2013.

Booth was not mad, and his views were, in fact, pretty common when he assassinated Lincoln, Jendresen said Friday.

"This is not the act of somebody who can easily be dismissed as a psychopath, so that it's easy to understand—'Oh well, he was crazy.' This is a man who believed what still probably 20 percent of this country still believes."
Booth is one of our most famous murderers. Could he be the poster child for the Tea Party? As she continued, de Moraes quoted Jendresen as he further unpacked his highly exciting beliefs. She then moved on to another key topic: Courteney Cox’s declaration that 2013 is going to be “The Year of Her Cleavage.”

Cox was discussing a change in her exciting show, Cougar Town. In the new year, “You will not see one scene where I don’t show my boobs,” the thoughtful TV star said.

We live in a very dumb culture. As we liberals move to confront the dumbness of the Limbaugh regime, we seem inclined to heighten tribal distinctions, sometimes in fairly dumb ways.

Now we’re engaged in a new Civil War! Michigan is a border state; North Dakota is neo-Confederate! Granted, the liberal world’s tired blood starts to flow as we define this tribal division. But as we excite ourselves in this way, is all that heat perhaps wiping out a bit of our cultural light?

Are we really caught in a new Civil War between two enemy tribes? To see a major journalist heighten this general notion, consider Charles Blow’s column in Saturday’s New York Times.

Blow began by stating his views about Lincoln and Django Unchained. The two films have “caused me to think deeply about the long shadow of slavery,” the columnist said, none too humbly.

Soon, Blow was nut-picking a dumb remark by a former state legislator in Arkansas. He quoted similar statements by Robert E. Lee and John C. Calhoun, though he could have quoted such statements by sainted Lincoln himself.

Had we attained the deep thought yet? From there, it was an easy move to the troubling yet pleasing world of The Two Dissimilar Tribes. This was Blow’s first iteration of this pleasing problem:
BLOW (1/5/13): Still, the persistence of such a ridiculous argument does not sit well with me. And we should all be unsettled by the tendency of some people to romanticize and empathize with the Confederacy.

A Pew Research Center poll released in April 2011 found that most Southern whites think it’s appropriate for modern-day politicians to praise Confederate leaders, the only demographic to believe that.
Blow told us that most Southern whites “think it’s appropriate for modern-day politicians to praise Confederate leaders.” He told us we “should all be unsettled by this tendency.”

According to that Pew poll, Blow’s statement was technically accurate. But here’s what he left out:
Percentages who think it’s appropriate for modern-day politicians to praise Confederate leaders:
Southern whites: 52 percent
African-Americans nationwide: 33 percent
Oops! In this case, “most” was just 52 percent—and one-third of all black respondents said they felt the same way! Should we be unsettled by their tendency too? Are they like John Wilkes Booth?

Uh-oh! In responses to that tortured question, there was a lot of overlap between the two warring tribes! Blow kept that overlap out of sight, then played a somewhat similar game with a second survey:
BLOW (continuing directly): A CNN poll also released that month found that nearly 4 in 10 white Southerners sympathize more with the Confederacy than with the Union.
In fact, that CNN poll showed that “nearly 4 in 10” southerners (full stop) “sympathized more with the southern states that were part of the Confederacy.” Presumably, the figure for white southerners would have been higher.

But uh-oh! According to that poll, twenty percent of the nation’s non-whites also said they sympathized more with “the southern states that were part of the Confederacy.” (The poll didn’t show separate results for black respondents.)

More bad news: Only 26 percent of Tea Party supporters said they sympathized with the southern states. In that response, they only exceeded non-whites by six points!

For ourselves, we don’t know why non-whites would say they sympathized that way. But when you ask peculiar poll questions, you sometimes get odd results. At any rate, Blow was helping us learn to “be unsettled by the tendency of some people to romanticize and empathize with the Confederacy.” Now, he completed the Rule of Three, offering a passage we regard as utterly foolish:
BLOW (continuing directly): What is perhaps more problematic is that negative attitudes about blacks are increasing. According to an October survey by The Associated Press: “In all, 51 percent of Americans now express explicit anti-black attitudes, compared with 48 percent in a similar 2008 survey. When measured by an implicit racial attitudes test, the number of Americans with anti-black sentiments jumped to 56 percent, up from 49 percent during the last presidential election.”
Is it true that “negative attitudes about blacks are increasing?” In our view, Blow was citing an exceptionally unintelligent piece from the AP (see THE DAILY HOWLER, 10/29/12). It's the type of piece our tribe likes to use to help us see that the bad old days of the first Civil War are pretty much still with us.

We live in a very dumb culture. Within that culture, we may like to hear about Cox’s bosom—and we may like to hear that we belong to one of two warring tribes. We may like to hear that the other tribe is just like John Wilkes Booth!

(On Fox, they tell it different.)

The longing for war is typically based on the perception of stark tribal difference. Where the differences aren’t sufficiently stark, such differences will sometimes be hyped.

Over the Christmas break, we reread a book which urges this perspective on us liberals. Lord god of hosts, that book feels good! But we think it’s quite poorly reasoned.

Tomorrow: Chris Mooney tells us we’re smart

What’s not to like about Marshawn Lynch!

MONDAY, JANUARY 7, 2013

Remembering the “beast mode” run: With the rise of the freshman QBs, this has already been a very interesting NFL playoff season.

That said, why not revisit Marshawn Lynch’s famous “beast mode” run? This is the run which knocked the defending champion Saints out of the 2010 play-offs.

To review the run through Lynch’s eyes, just click here. As you watch the run, Lynch will tell you what he was thinking. What’s not to like about Marshawn Lynch? This is an amusing report from NFL films.

A bit of context:

The run came with 3:22 left in the game and the Saints coming on strong. They had closed from 14 points behind to 34-30. It looked like, if they got the ball back, they were quite likely going to win.

This was a very comical run. At the link, Lynch walks you through it.

The Seahawks won, 41-36. This was before Russell Wilson.

Important note: “Beast mode” is not a reference to The Daily Beast.

Michelle Rhee yes, the real facts no!

MONDAY, JANUARY 7, 2013

The Times continues to fawn: Who the Sam Hill is Motoko Rich? Until this very day, we had very little idea.

Rich moved to the New York Times education beat in June of last year. That said, it’s hard to find biographical info about major journalists.

We’re sure that Rich is a very nice person—and it seems she’s plenty smart. Luckily, the Times published a bit of a bio of Rich when she married Mark Topping in 2003.

We assume he’s a nice person too. In our experience, most people are:
Motoko Rich, Mark Topping

Motoko Rich and Mark Harrison Topping were married on Friday at the Municipal Building in Manhattan by Naomi Pacheco, the deputy chief of staff at the city clerk's office. Yesterday, Peter Kalb and Stephen Crocker, friends of the couple, led a celebration of the marriage at the Picnic House in Brooklyn.

Ms. Rich, 33, was a reporter at The Wall Street Journal until last week. Next month, she is to join The New York Times, also as a reporter. She graduated summa cum laude from Yale and received a master's degree in English from Cambridge University in England. She is the daughter of Junko and Peter Rich of Petaluma, Calif.

Mr. Topping, also 33, is a deputy commissioner for budgeting, information technology, human resources and strategic planning at the New York City Department of Buildings. He graduated from Oberlin College and received a master's degree in public administration from New York University. He is a son of Carol and John Topping of Mount Vernon, Ohio.
Just a question: Does that mean that Topping was a major Bloomberg official? There’s nothing wrong with that, of course.

But still.

Concerning Rich, Alexander Russo published this interview when she moved to the education beat. We would summarize it this way:

Rich had no background in education when she moved to the public schools beat. But so what? That didn’t stop New York Times editors Sifton and Lyman from penning this upbeat announcement:
SIFTON AND LYMAN: With the greatest of pleasure we are able to announce that Motoko Rich will be joining the National Desk as a national education correspondent. Her passion about the subject is clear to anyone who has followed her work; whether she was covering the national economy, real estate or book publishing, Motoko always found a way to work a school teacher, a classroom or a librarian into her stories. For evidence, just look back at her excellent "Future of Reading" series, one of many examples we could have cited.

She came to The Times after doing sterling work at the Financial Times and the Wall Street Journal. As a national economics correspondent, the job she now holds, Motoko has proven especially adept at translating complicated notions and potentially dry data into compelling human stories.

And if you have never had the pleasure of listening to Motoko on the phone, stubbornly and methodically bearing down on some poor fool who thinks he’s going to be able to outwit her, it is one of the great pleasures of working at 620 Eighth Avenue. We may try to keep the cubicle next to her open just so people can stop by for a little listen now and then, whenever they need a quick pick-me-up.

—Sam and Rick
Rich had no background in education. But she did have passion! And no poor fool can outwit Rich! Unless that poor fool is Michelle Rhee, whose latest pronouncements Rich describes in today’s New York Times.

In today’s paper, Rich devotes 1050 words to Rhee’s latest gloomy pronouncements about the nation's public schools. By way of contrast:

In December, the nation's fourth-graders scored very high on a major international reading test. Rich’s largely incoherent report ran only 647 words—and it almost completely failed to say how well our public school students had done. See THE DAILY HOWLER, 12/11/12.

Is someone perhaps outwitting Rich? Is someone outwitting her editors? Or are they simply fawning to Rhee, one of Mayor Bloomberg’s favorites? In this case, Rhee’s gloomy opinions about public schools received much more coverage than some encouraging actual facts.

But so it has gone, among press elites, ever since the nation’s billionaires declared their preferences in this area.

Elsewhere in today’s New York Times, Mayor Bloomberg seems to compare the nation’s teachers unions to the NRA. Those teachers, with their infernal unions! Perhaps our loathing would have decreased if the New York Times, and Rich, had more fully reported those test scores!

For ourselves, we liked some of the attitudes Rhee brought to her job in DC. But Rhee has been a major dissembler about public schools, starting with her nonsensical claims about her own miraculous teaching career—claims which were later disproved.

Indeed, the Bloomberg gang—Rhee, Wendy Kopp and Joel Klein—are among the nation’s biggest dissemblers in any policy area. But so what! Kopp gets to tell her own crazy tales when she goes on Charlie Rose.

As it turns out, Rose’s long-time social companion is a Bloomberg department head! And Bloomberg has long financed Rose!

Is someone perhaps outwitting Rich? Does the relative weight afforded these stories reflect her lack of experience? Is it the doing of her editors? Whatever! We’ve now seen the balance of power:

A thousand words for Rhee’s opinions! Six hundred words for the facts!

So it goes in the modern press world. The liberal world will say nothing, as always. We’re much too involved in our new Civil War to give a flying fig about the nation’s black kids!

Once again, concerning Joel Klein: Richard Rothstein's report about Joel Klein was one of the most interesting long-form reports of 2012. Once again, just click here.

HEAT VERSUS LIGHT AMONG LIBERAL ELITES!

MONDAY, JANUARY 7, 2013

Part 1—Heat versus light at Salon: Is America facing a new Civil War?

That’s what it says at Salon. A few weeks ago, Andrew O’Hehir was trashing Quentin Tarantino for clowning around, in Django Unchained, about the American Civil War.

On Saturday, O’Hehir said we face a new Civil War. For our money, his rhetoric was perhaps a bit overheated:
O’HEHIR (12/5/13): So even though it’s a truism of American public discourse that the Civil War never ended, it’s also literally true. We’re still reaping the whirlwind from that long-ago conflict, and now we face a new Civil War, one focused on divisive political issues of the 21st century–most notably the rights and liberties of women and LGBT people–but rooted in toxic rhetoric and ideas inherited from the 19th century.
“We face a new Civil War,” O’Hehir said—and he said this new Civil War is rooted in toxic rhetoric.

The analysts rolled their eyes at this point. “Look who’s talking,” one analyst said, as O’Hehir kept pouring it on:
O’HEHIR (continuing directly): We’ve just emerged from a presidential campaign that exposed how hardened our political and cultural divide has become, and how poorly the two sides understand each other. Part of the Republican problem, in an election that party thought it would win easily, was that those who felt a visceral disgust toward both the idea and the reality of President Barack Obama simply could not believe that they didn’t represent a majority. As many Republicans are now aware, the party now faces an existential crisis. It’s all very well to go on TV and talk about attracting Latinos and downplaying cultural wedge issues. But the activist core of the Republican Party is neo-Confederate, whether it thinks of itself that way or not. It isn’t interested in common cause with Mexicans or turning down the moral thermostat. Just ask Rick Santorum: What it wants is war.
Does Rick Santorum really “want war?” O’Hehir didn’t quote the toxic rhetoric which proves this about the neo-Confederate. But we’ll have to admit it:

As he name-called and girded for battle, it almost sounded, to our ears, as if O’Hehir does! This is the way the fiery liberal “turned down the moral thermostat:”
O’HEHIR: Thanks to Lincoln’s great political victory in that Congress, slavery has faded into the history books—maybe too much so. As the controversy over Quentin Tarantino’s slave-revenge western “Django Unchained” demonstrates, it still isn’t a history we know how to talk about. It may seem melodramatic to claim that the curse of slavery hangs over us still, but Lincoln himself clearly foresaw that possibility, as his slave-owning predecessor Thomas Jefferson had before him...

I’m not sure America ever paid that debt, in blood or money or any other currency. The lingering effects of our racist history–from the resegregation of our public schools to the enduring and astonishing “wealth gap” between whites and blacks–are national problems, not just Southern problems. Our new Civil War is infused with the undead spirit of the old one and waged by a rebellious neo-Confederacy rooted in the states of the Old South, but its influence can be felt, as with the pro-slavery forces of the 1860s, in every part of the country.
Is it “melodramatic” to claim “that the curse of slavery hangs over us still?” Depending on context, it certainly can be—although, depending on context, the claim surely isn’t “wrong.”

For our money, the curse of slavery hangs over us still as folk like O’Hehir rant and fume, urging liberals to march off to war, as fiery people like O'Hehir have urged since the dawn of time. Before he was done, O’Hehir had redefined Michigan as a “border state”—and he had said that North Dakota and South Dakota were each part of “the neo-Confederacy.”

In these ways, O’Hehir lowered the moral thermostat, despite the provocations of Santorum, who so plainly wants war.

We were struck by the extent to which O’Hehir seems to want new war. At the same time, we were struck by the high inanity of much of the work at Salon.

Yesterday, at the great liberal journal, a great deal of nonsense was being promoted. It made us wonder if we liberals are still as sharp as we’ve always said we are.

What was offered at Salon? At the top of Salon's front page, this piece by Antonia Crane was featured:
My lucky thunder thighs
As a stripper, my thick legs were a liability. But they also carried me through drug addiction and grief.
Interesting! Meanwhile, near the top of Salon's list of reports, we spotted these thoughtful offerings:
Former drunks make unstoppable runners
Exercise can provide an excellent escape from addiction. A sober marathoner offers 8 reasons why.

When I learned to hunt
I never thought I'd don an Elmer Fudd outfit when I first moved to the sticks. Who knew it could be so satisfying?

Weirdest 3-D printed objects ever
From Thomas Jefferson's bust to bikinis for your bust, a slideshow of the weirdest 3-D replicas around (SLIDE SHOW)
That last report was promoted by a photo of a young woman’s pleasing bosom. The young woman’s head was missing. So was the rest of her body.

Go ahead, liberals! Breathe hard!

At Salon, the edification was endless. Also, we’re facing a new Civil War! This war will be fought about the fact that the activist core of the GOP “isn’t interested in common cause with Mexicans.”

A new year is starting here at the Howler. We continue to think that the most interesting story in American media is the continuing emergence of a new liberal world—the liberal world that didn't exist during the Clinton-Gore years, the world that didn't take form until after Bush failed in Iraq.

How smart, how determined, will this liberal world be? How much light will emerge from this world? To what extent will we bring heat?

So far, the rhetoric is sometimes exciting. Other major progressive virtues may not yet be at hand.

Tomorrow: Love of the clan, love of war

On balance, Charles Blow rejects Django Unhinged!

SATURDAY, JANUARY 5, 2013

Once more, presenting a Challenge: At best, Charles Blow seems lukewarm about Django Unchained. Here’s how today’s column starts:
BLOW (1/5/13): America has slavery on the brain these days.

There were the recent releases of the movies “Lincoln” (which I found enlightening and enjoyable) and “Django Unchained” (which I found a profound love story with an orgy of excesses and muddled moralities). I guess my preferences reflect my penchant for subtlety. Sometimes a little bit of an unsettling thing goes a long way, and a lot goes too far. Aside from its gratuitous goriness, “Django Unchained” reportedly used the N-word more than 100 times. “Lincoln” used it only a handful. I don’t know exactly where my threshold is, but I think it’s well shy of the century mark.
Does Django feature “a profound love story?” We find that somewhat hard to believe, though we only lasted forty minutes. Click here.

Regarding this new film, we will again suggest that you take The Django Challenge: Go to the movie, then read the reviews found all through the upper-end press corps.

At Salon, Andrew O’Hehir dismissed the film in a review which refers to Tarantino’s “dumb ideas” and “self-indulgent rambling.” We too were struck by the sheer dumbness of this film’s first forty minutes.

There’s no accounting for taste, of course. But we’ve been amazed to see how few mainstream reviewers wrote anything like what O’Hehir wrote.

Go ahead—take The Mainstream Press Corps Challenge! See the film, then examine this rave review in Time, in which Richard Corliss seems to praise the “brazen amusement value of the Pulp Fiction dude’s latest tribute-provocation,” which closes with “a vivaciously choreographed blood bath.”

For ourselves, we didn’t see that vivacious closing bloodbath. We weren’t offended by the level of violence found in that first forty minutes. But we’re puzzled by the worldview of a 68-year-old mainstream reviewer who closes his piece like this:

“Django Unchained may not reach the delirious heights of Pulp Fiction; its climactic crimson orgasms lack the emotional gravity of the fatal tilts in Kill Bill. But it’s undeniably, gloriously Tarantino: all talk and all action.”

Go ahead: See the film, then take The Corliss Challenge. See if you understand the thrill Corliss seems to find in those glorious crimson orgasms.

On balance, it seems that Blow did not. For whatever reason, he doesn’t praise the “orgy of excesses” to which he refers.

Why have so many mainstream reviewers heaped so much praise on Django Unchained? We can’t answer that question. That said, we couldn’t help noting these excerpts from O’Hehir’s review:
O’HEHIR (12/26/12): I realize I’m supposed to say something about Tarantino’s use of revisionist historical fantasy—making Jewish warriors the protagonists of World War II and inserting a black action hero into the antebellum South—but I just don’t think either of the movies is serious enough to make that a worthwhile topic.

[...]

I understand that for many viewers the crazily overstuffed, one-damn-thing-after-another quality of “Django Unchained” will offer a fun alternative to more predictable fare, and [I] have no doubt that some of my fellow critics will proclaim it a postmodern masterpiece, equally inspired by Jean-Luc Godard, the spaghetti western and the screen careers of Jim Brown, Fred “The Hammer” Williamson and whatever other ex-NFL stars of the ‘70s made movies in which they got to kill white people. I love to make those kinds of proclamations! And that combination of ingredients sounds intriguing, in theory–just about enough for a great trailer.
In what way was O’Hehir “supposed to say” something about that revisionist history? Was O’Hehir suggesting that his fellow reviewers were working from highly standardized scripts? Later, was he pre-mocking the praise from his fellow critics, who ran, just as he said they would, to talk about Tartantino’s masterful homage to (in Corliss’ words) “the movies he learned to love as a Manhattan Beach video-store savant a quarter-century ago?”

Does Richard Corliss really believe the following things about Django Unchained? If so, what might that mean?
CORLISS (12/12/12): A pastiche that’s nearly as funny as it is long (2hr. 45min.), and quite as politically troubling as it may be liberating, Django Unchained is pure, if not great, Tarantino. At 49, after eight features, the writer-director has become his own genre, running weird, violent, maniacally elaborate variations on the movies he learned to love as a Manhattan Beach video-store savant a quarter-century ago. He honored and reconstructed the Hong Kong crime drama City on Fire in Reservoir Dogs, gave ’70s blaxploitation epics a feminismo makeover in Jackie Brown, spliced and diced a dozen Shaw Brothers martial-arts films into the Kill Bill diptych, revived the auto-eroticism and carnage of grindhouse revenge epics in Death Proof.
Corliss goes on (and on) from there, listing the various elements of Tarantino’s serial acts of homage. But can Corliss possibly think this film was majorly funny—“nearly as funny as it is long?” And in what universe could this nonsense possibly be “politically troubling?”

In the universe of scripted old men?

There is no ultimate arbiter of taste or value, of course. Is this a serious, worthwhile film? When Moses came down from the mountain, he wasn’t carrying tablets explaining how to judge feature films.

That said, our country has been taking an unusual Challenge in the past forty years. Tarantino is one part of that Challenge. Here’s how that Challenge has gone:

Not so very long ago, citizens were exposed to a rather narrow range of tastes and ideas. As many fans have noted in comments, there was a time when Tarantino couldn’t have made this movie.

Somewhat similarly, there was a time when Don Imus couldn’t have gotten on the air. Ditto for Rush Limbaugh. In those days, Americans were exposed to Cronkite and Brinkley. In those days, it was actually somewhat hard to hear crazy batshit ideas.

It’s also true that Maureen Dowd couldn’t have gotten a column in the fairly recent past. If she had gotten a column, she wouldn’t have been allowed to discuss the silly crap around which she’s built a rather large franchise.

The Dowdism never could have crept. It wouldn’t have gotten in print.

Today, crazy and/or dumb ideas are pretty much all around us. Increasingly, you can’t get on the air without them. Especially in a world where so many journalists fawn in such obvious ways to power, are we as a people able to separate the wheat from the chaff?

In many ways, our ancestors weren’t exposed to The Crazy. As our discourse keeps tumbling down a long hill, do we know how to spot it?

Can Andrew O’Hehir say that: In his review of Django Unchained, Richard Corliss goes on and on about the various acts of homage which help define Tarantino’s career.

Andrew O’Hehir isn’t buying. Instantly, he says this:
O’HEHIR: You could claim that he’s “quoting from Sam Peckinpah” with those slapsticky water balloons full of blood, except that that’s not quite it. It’s more like he’s quoting from crappy ’70s drive-in movies that were quoting from “The Hills Have Eyes,” which was quoting from something else that was quoting from Peckinpah. (I may be missing an intermediate stage there, such as a cannibal film that was dubbed from Italian into Spanish and projected once, with the reels out of sequence, at a downtown Los Angeles theater in 1983.)
O’Hehir’s says those 70s films were “crappy!” In a world where every damn fool can get on the air, can Andrew O’Hehir say that?

Big Ed Schultz explains the debt limit!

FRIDAY, JANUARY 4, 2013

More competent leadership, please: Without any question, liberals are facing a possible world of hurt as the debt limit approaches again.

Somehow, liberals need to convince the public—and major elites—that the GOP's plan to hold the debt limit hostage must be rejected.

Big Ed Schultz was worried about that topic last night. And he wanted our help:
SCHULTZ (1/3/13): Get your cell phones out. I want to know what you think. Tonight’s question: Will the American people fall for the Republican lies about the debt ceiling?

Text A for yes, text B for no, to 622639. We’ll bring you the results later. You can always go to our blog at Ed.MSNBC.com.
Everything about that was sad. But Big Ed’s earlier attempt to explain the debt limit was perhaps even sadder.

You can watch the whole segment; just click here. You’ll be dealing in incomprehension and in high incoherence.

Loud claims about “lies” simply aren’t enough. This next showdown may turn out very badly. Liberals need to devise clear presentations very fast. Liberals should be angry to see the product we were sold on last night’s loud, ardent program.

At several junctures, Schultz played tape of three Republican pols from last December—videotape of outdated remarks he still doesn’t understand. Some of his presentation made sense. Much of it was incoherent.

Unless our channel exists to make us feel good, ardor can no longer be enough. It’s time for liberals to be upset when seven-figure TV stars fumble ahead in this manner.

The good news, then the bad: Late in the show, Schultz gave us the good news:
SCHULTZ: Tonight in our survey I asked you, Will the American people fall for the Republican lies about the debt ceiling? Seventeen percent of you say yes, 83 percent of you say no.
Now for the bad news: The American people will certainly fall for this crap unless liberals learn how to talk to them.

NEW WONKS ON THE BLOCK: New leadership needed!

FRIDAY, JANUARY 4, 2013

Part 4—Familiar hemming and hawing: Progressives have a crying need for smart intellectual leaders.

Has any movement ever had its brains beaten out in so many ways for so many years? Without its members so much as noticing—without its members even being encouraged to notice?

Progressives and liberals have had their brains beaten on an array of policy matters. One example: Did anyone ever step up to challenge the decades of disinformation about the way Social Security works?

Actually, no—no one did! Compounding the injury, major Democratic politicians were trashed from the right in various ways. But then, they were also endlessly trashed, in ridiculous ways, from the heart of the mainstream “press corps.”

So what! Twenty years later, one of our new wonks on the block is actively praising the journalism which produced this deadly trashing (see THE DAILY HOWLER, 1/3/13). The rest of the gang just sat and started when the same sort of journalism was aimed at Susan Rice.

So it goes as our new leaders are picked for us by our existing elites. This brings us around to Ezra Klein, a very important new wonk on the block. Klein is being certified as a new leader by the Washington Post—and by MSNBC, The One True Liberal Channel.

Klein is very prominent—and he’s very young. He’s also very capable. And yet, before he can recommend a book in a year-end list, he has to hem and haw in the following manner:
Plutocrats: The Rise of the New Global Super-Rich and the Fall of Everyone Else, by Chrystia Freeland

I’ll admit, the title on this initially left me skeptical. But Freeland’s book is much more than a jeremiad against rising inequality and stagnating median wages. It’s a deeply reported, and often fun, tour of the lives of the very, very rich. Freeland’s access is impressive, and she’s sympathetic to titans she covers without being captured by the self-aggrandizing narratives they spin. But her evidence that the super-rich “are becoming a transglobal community of peers who have more in common with one another than with their countrymen back home” makes the book important.
That synopsis is wonderfully horrible. Let us translate for you:

That was Klein’s thumbnail review of Chrystia Freeland’s new book about the rise of the plutocrat class. Because she’s from Canada, Freeland is allowed to see that the world is being devoured by this class.

According to Freeland, this new global class is engineering “the fall of everyone else.” But before Klein can recommend such a book, he has to tell us the following:

Sounding like a Serious Person, Klein says he was troubled at first by the book’s provocative title.

Luckily, Klein is able to report that Freeland’s book is “much more than a jeremiad against rising inequality and stagnating median wages.” After all, who would want to read a “jeremiad” about something like that?

Luckily, Freeland is “sympathetic” to the titans she covers—to the titans who are producing the fall of everyone else. And not only that! Her tour of the lives of the very, very rich is often fun!

Final point—Freeland’s access is impressive. From a professional standpoint, this counts in her favor too.

Poor Klein! With so much at stake, he has to propel himself through those hoops before he’s able to tell you that the super-rich “are becoming a transglobal community of peers who have more in common with one another than with their countrymen back home.” We’re told this makes the book “important,” although we aren’t told why.

Poor Klein! The rising wonk must be careful not to offend our existing elites! Klein is cast in the role of the new liberal wonk, so he’s allowed to cite this book—though it’s hard to know why any progressive would want to read it, based on his milquetoast description.

Freeland’s title is rather transgressive—and she’s from Canada, so she might even mean it! But Klein is caught in a terrible trap. He’s willing to recommend the book—but first he has to show that it can be read and enjoyed by a Serious Person.

Does anyone think that such a reviewer will ever provide real progressive leadership? Despite Klein’s skills, we have our doubts. Having said that, we’ll offer a guess:

The lifestyle of the young and wonkish may demand such hemming and hawing.

On Monday, we’ll offer an award-winning sequel to this report, involving scenes from two (2) marriages. But first, let’s examine the hemming and hawing we found in a second year-end Wonkblog list—the list in which the Wonkblog team presented its “second annual Wonky awards.”

We were directed to this list by Kevin Drum’s post, in which he criticized the choice of Grover Norquist as Wonkblog’s “wonk of the year.”

Norquist simply isn’t a wonk, Drum correctly said. But Norquist is a powerful player. For that reason, his keister must perhaps be kissed, as the keister of Paul Ryan was kissed by Klein at considerable length in recent years.

Might we show you the other ways the new wonks may possibly bend to established elites to guarantee their success?

Book of the year: The Wonkblog Team cites the book by Ornstein and Mann as its “book of the year.” (Somewhat oddly, no team member cited this book in his or her individual list.)

As the book is described by the Wonkblog team, liberal readers are permitted some joy. Other joy is withheld:
THE WONKBLOG TEAM (1/28/12): Thomas Mann and Norm Ornstein are probably the most respected scholars of Congress in Washington. For more than 40 years, they’ve been the staunchest advocates, and most respected interpreters, of the institution, tutoring legislators from both parties and serving on an almost endless number of commissions and projects dedicated to understanding and improving what they call “the First Branch.” They’ve even got bipartisan credentials: Mann is at the center-left Brookings Institute, while Ornstein hangs his hat at the conservative American Enterprise Institute. And, at this point, it’s fair to say they’re scared.

In “It’s Even Worse Than It Looks: How The American Constitutional System Collided with The New Politics of Extremism,” Mann and Ornstein do something very unusual for this town: They leverage the respect and political capital they’ve spent a lifetime building and use it to try and say exactly what’s gone wrong, even if that diagnosis won’t be popular in all quarters. “It is, of course, awkward and uncomfortable, even seemingly unprofessional, to attribute a disproportionate share of the blame for dysfunctional politics to one party or the other,” Mann and Ornstein write. But it’s also necessary. “Today, however, we have no choice but to acknowledge that the core of the problem lies with the Republican Party,” they write, saying what most everyone knows but too few are willing to admit.
We’re told that Ornstein and Mann pin the blame for our current mess on the Republican Party—a diagnosis which “won’t be popular in all quarters.” We aren’t told that the bulk of the mainstream press corps then froze Ornstein and Mann from further debate. (The Washington Post was a giant exception.)

You’re allowed to know what these scholars said. As always, you’re not encouraged to know about the way press elites reacted.

Fail of the year: According to the Wonkblog team, the fail of the year award goes to “the 112th Congress,” which was “likely to end in ignominy, having pushed the country off the fiscal cliff.”

As it turned out, that didn’t quite happen. But “it’s not just their final days that disappointed,” the team reports, providing a link to fourteen other disasters engineered by this entity.

Please note: It was “Congress” which got the award for fail of the year. It wasn’t the Republicans in the Congress, or the Republican leadership. Apparently, both parties were at fault. It took both parties to produce this epic fail.

In short: Immediately after praising Ornstein and Mann for saying what few will admit, the wonks adopted a Serious pose; they failed to admit it themselves! One commenter chided them for it:
COMMENTER: The level of cognitive dissonance required to give a wonky to It's Even Worse Than It Looks and then immediately turn around and give the fail of the year to Congress instead of the Republican Party is, frankly, flabbergasting. Aside from that, great list!
Let's call it a comical moment.

Let’s see: Norquist was chosen as wonk of the year—and “Congress” produced the biggest fail. In the process, the press corps’ disappearing of Ornstein and Mann was itself disappeared. This goes with Klein's hemming and hawing about Freeland's book, along with Suzy Khimm's throwback praise for the journalism of (liberal) destruction.

The liberal world has always accepted this sort of thing from its leadership and from the press. We ended up with Sam and Cokie the last time we put up with this.

For ourselves, we’ll even complain about this award from Wonkblog. We'll ask for a bit more fight:
White paper of the year: Tax Policy Center’s paper on Romney’s tax plan

It seemed too good to be true: a tax plan that slashed everyone’s rates without increasing the deficit or raising the tax burden on the middle class. And the Tax Policy Center revealed that it was. The TPC’s white paper on Romney’s tax plan revealed its central incoherence, showing that it would be impossible to devise a plan that would fulfill all of Romney’s stated objectives. Romney and his defenders tried to fire back with competing analyses, but none of them fully refuted the TPC study. In the end, it was a triumph of empiricism over political rhetoric.
It’s true! That Tax Policy Center paper did show “that it would be impossible to devise a plan that would fulfill all of Romney’s stated objectives.” But it and other papers showed something much stronger. These papers showed that Romney’s “plan” was essentially a fraud—that there wasn’t any way you could even come close to “fulfilling all of Romney’s stated objectives.”

Fiery leaders would notice the difference—would want the public to know the full truth about the fraudulence of this proposal. Somehow, these new wonks on the blog settled for much less.

Can we talk?

At present, your lizard brain is telling you that these new wonks are on your side.

We’re telling you something different.

We’re telling you that Ezra Klein voted the way you did in November—and that he couldn’t recommend Freeland’s book without staging a somewhat familiar song-and-dance.

We’re suggesting you may have to push in the coming years to get real leadership from this new liberal wonk—and from several others in our emerging liberal stable. As you push for stronger service, you may have to abandon the sense that they’re your imaginary friends.

We liberals went down this road thirty years ago. We ended up with decades of disinformation about Social Security and about virtually everything else. We ended up with a war against both Clintons, then against Gore—a war our tribe failed to notice.

Even today, our leaders won’t discuss that war—and in a year-end favorite books list, one is actively praising the journalism which conducted that war, sending George Bush to the White House.

Are we getting sold Sam and Cokie again? Will our new leaders ever define the outlines of a real progressive politics? Will our new leaders ever know how to talk to regular voters?

Will we settle for puddles of porridge again? Are we buying new Serious People?

In fairness, our new leaders may have a lot at stake. On Monday, scenes from two marriages.

Hey, rubes: We wish our team didn’t do this!

THURSDAY, JANUARY 3, 2013

Big Ed Schultz tinkers with time: When Hillary Clinton declined to testify in December, all the usual suspects suggested that she was faking her medical condition.

This upset the folks at MSNBC—the same people who had insisted, for roughly a month, that George Zimmerman simply couldn’t have a broken nose. (In fact, Zimmerman did have a broken nose. Our leaders kept insisting he didn't well past the point when it was clear that he almost surely did.)

Whatever! At present, our fiery leaders are very upset that the usual fools at Fox played this card against Hillary Clinton. But last night, Big Ed Schultz decided to run us rubes a wee bit on this point.

Doggone it! Midway through last evening’s show, he teased an upcoming segment:
LAURA INGRAHAM (videotape): Immaculate concussion. But did she really have a concussion?

SCHULTZ: Hillary Clinton continues to get treatment for a blood clot, and she continues to get trashed by righties.

JOHN BOLTON (videotape): When you don’t want to go to a meeting or a conference or an event, you have a diplomatic illness. And this is a diplomatic illness.

REP. ALLEN WEST (videotape): I’m not a doctor, but it seems as though that the secretary of state has come down with a case of Benghazi flu.

SCHULTZ: We’ll bring you the latest on the secretary of state. And Sandy Hook Elementary students begin their return to school as the president refuses to let gun control fall out of focus...
Hillary Clinton “continues to get trashed by righties?” So said Schultz, and to prove his point, he played videotape of Bolton—from December 17.

After that, he played videotape of West—from December 20. The tape of Ingraham also dates to December 20.

Fox News has been dumb for a very long time; some of our leaders can’t wait to catch up. Also, free-floating anger is very good—for ratings, if for nothing else.

Don’t shoot—he wants to grow up!

THURSDAY, JANUARY 3, 2013

Was Bazelon’s aim true: On this morning’s front page, the New York Times reports on the homicide rate in Chicago.

The report features a photograph of a young black child in Chicago. We’ll guess that he’s eleven or twelve. He’s at a peace vigil, holding this sign:

“DON’T SHOOT. I want to grow up.”

Younger kids stand beside him.

For our money, Monica Davey’s report was a bit light on the information. In Chicago, homicides were up 16 percent from 2011, she says, even as overall crime in the city dropped. But how did the number of homicides in Chicago compare to the numbers from earlier decades? How does Chicago’s homicide rate compare to rates in other cities?

Davey skipped questions like that. She also skipped a comparison we expected to see—she made no comparison to the shootings in Newtown.

The child in Chicago who wants to grow up isn’t in the first grade. But why did the press corps react so strongly to Newtown’s killings as compared to the ongoing killings in Chicago? Some distinctions between the two situations are are obvious. But in the first few days after Newtown, Emily Bazelon offered a rumination about this topic at Slate.

I don’t respond the same way to city kids, Bazelon basically said:
BAZELON (12/15/12): I was on the train home from New York to Connecticut Friday afternoon when a woman sitting one row away and facing me got a text that made her gasp. She’d learned that a friend had a granddaughter at Sandy Hook Elementary School, and it wasn’t clear if she was safe. The mutual friend who’d sent the text didn’t know one way or the other. That didn’t sound good: It was late in the day, several hours after the shooting that killed 20 children and six adults at the school.

The woman on the train pulled her little boy close and her eyes started tearing. Mine too. Outside the window, the nondescript brown landscape of Fairfield County rolled by. The woman got off the train before she found out the fate of her friend’s granddaughter. And of course I hoped, and for a moment prayed, that the girl was rattled but fine, one of the hundreds of kids whose parents rushed to the Newtown fire station to swoop them up with the most exquisite and intense relief. But just as naturally, I kept dwelling on the 20 families for whom fear had frozen into horror and then despair.

They could be us, and we could be them, right? It was so easy for me at least to feel that way, looking up Newtown’s suburban demographics: Family median income $100,000 a year, almost half the town families with children, nearly three-quarters married couples. I don’t live in the suburbs, but I live in a small-city neighborhood filled with two-parent families about 45 minutes from Newtown, and I have a son in elementary school. That was more than enough to share in the chill that spread through the country Friday. I wish I identified as much with the families of drive-by shootings of children in my city, but I don’t. I use class and, I’m sure, race to distance myself. That doesn’t work this time though.
We have continued to puzzle over Bazelon’s piece.

On the one hand, it’s abundantly clear that the nation’s elites care more about Newtown’s kids than about Chicago’s. Bazelon was surprisingly frank in bringing that story on home:

“I wish I identified as much with the families of drive-by shootings of children in my city,” she said. “But I don’t.” (She linked to this news report about the drive-by shooting of a one-year-old child in New Haven.)

On the whole, the nation seems to care more about those kids in Newtown than about that kid in Chicago. Regarding Bazelon’s statement, it’s odd to see someone be so frank about this fact and so unapologetic.

We’ve puzzled about that piece ever since. Today’s photo and slightly flat news report brought the piece to mind.

What Reverend Braxton said: Yesterday, as we waited to do a radio show, we listened to the panel discussion in the preceding hour. At one point, Rev. Brad Braxton, Senior Pastor at the Open Church in Baltimore, made us put down our book and listen.

Discussing the killings in Newtown, Rev. Braxton said we ought to be mourning the loss of the killer too. Latonia Valincia agreed; E. R. Shipp took a different view.

We listened to Braxton again today. This happens about halfway through.

NEW WONKS ON THE BLOCK: A somewhat peculiar favorite book!

THURSDAY, JANUARY 3, 2013

Part 3—High praise for those who failed us: Who knows?

Dylan Matthews may turn out to be the best “policy journalist who focuses on taxes, budgets, and other elements of US economic and fiscal policy” in journalistic history.

(For part 2 of this award-winning series, see THE DAILY HOWLER, 1/2/13.)

That’s the way Matthews describes himself at his personal web site. At the Washington Post’s Wonkblog site, the gent is profiled as follows: “Dylan Matthews covers taxes, poverty, campaign finance, higher education, and all things data. He has also written for The New Republic, Salon, Slate, and The American Prospect.”

That said, Matthews graduated from college just this past June. For ourselves, we find it odd to think that someone so young would be “covering poverty” for a major newspaper like the Washington Post. Matthews may turn out to be a fabulous journalist—but for ourselves, we’re skeptical of young high achievers who burst full-blown from the head of John Harvard, having started their blogging careers while still in middle school.

At present, new liberal elites are being formed within the mainstream press corps. As this occurs, we think liberals and progressives should be highly skeptical about these important selections. (Trust but verify, as Ronald Reagan once said!) Matthews’ peculiar personal bio may turn out to reflect a wealth of actual talent. But then, it may turn out to have reflected a less helpful set of instincts.

Plainly, Ezra Klein is the most important new liberal intellectual leader currently being hatched at Wonkblog; we’ll return to his recent performance in tomorrow’s post. But we were struck by several points as we perused two year-end lists at this Post web site.

We’ll admit it! We aren’t inclined to believe that Klein was taken aback by the troubling title of Chrystia Freeland’s new book. (“Plutocrats: The Rise of the New Global Super-Rich and the Fall of Everyone Else.”) Freeland is smart, and she isn’t a hack; not only that, she’s from Canada! In a world defined by rising plutocracy, why would anyone but a Serious Person be concerned by such a title?

Why wouldn’t someone like Klein be heartened by that title?

Alas! Sometimes, rising stars with a great deal at stake make nice with existing elites. And we’ll admit it: We wondered if something like that was involved when Wonkblog’s Suzy Khimm made an end-of-year book choice which struck us as somewhat odd.

(For the record, Khimm is an elder statesman compared to Matthews. She seems to have graduated from Yale in 2003.)

In this year-end list, each member of the Wonkblog team picked the books they “most enjoyed in 2012.” This book was one of Khimm’s five:
KHIMM (12/31/12): The Woman at the Washington Zoo, by Marjorie Williams

The late, great Marjorie Williams—a longtime Post writer—was an expert essayist and columnist: Her 2004 piece about helping her daughter get dressed for Halloween will simply slay you. But through this collection of her work, I became immersed in the political profiles she wrote earlier in her career, spanning Reagan, Bush I, and Clinton. Williams’ subjects unwittingly reveal themselves, and she guides her readers through a landscape of dueling psyches that’s far messier than the Beltway would ever like to admit.
By all accounts, the late Marjorie Williams was a very fine person. (She died of cancer at age 47 in 2005.) That said, the book in question appeared in 2005; it was a collection of Williams’ past columns and profiles.

Set aside Khimm’s lavish praise for Williams. (We scolded the analysts when they rolled their eyes at this rather familiar manifestation.) Given the layers of age on this book, it struck us as odd that it would have been one of Khimm’s favorite reads in the year 2012.

Everything is possible! That said, we were especially struck by Khimm’s high praise for Williams’ profiles from the Bush I-Clinton years. It’s depressing to think that our nation’s young wonks may see that failed journalistic era as a star to steer by.

Can we talk? As students of the mainstream press, we’re always suspicious when a writer’s subjects “unwittingly reveal themselves” to the writer. All too often, those unwitting acts of self-revelation have been helped along by mainstream scribes, who have put their thumbs on the scale.

Example: Down through the years, Maureen Dowd’s subjects have often “revealed themselves” through “unwitting” turns of phrase which are said to reveal their deep inner states. All too often, it has turned out that these turns of phrase were invented or massaged by Dowd, thus bringing her subjects’ self-revelations in line with her guild’s preconceptions.

As a writer, Marjorie Williams was not Maureen Dowd—but she did play in similar ball yards. It was during the Bush-Clinton years that the so-called Creeping Dowdism was creeping through the mainstream press corps. As described by Katherine Boo, this new journalism tried to define a major pol’s alleged character rather than his proposals/ideas.

Williams didn’t clown like Dowd, but she worked similar fields. Despite Khimm’s lavish words of praise, we think Williams’ efforts largely failed us during the era in question.

Good God! After reading Khimm’s praise for Williams’ insights during this era, we reread some of Williams’ work from Campaign 2000 and beyond. This included her long profile of the “dueling psyches” of Clinton and Gore after the 2000 election, a profile which was reprinted in the 2005 book.

We’ll admit it—we were surprised by how bad this work really was.

Maureen Dowd didn’t write the following passage from the fall of 1999, when the mainstream press corps was flogging the insights it had gained from Candidate Gore’s troubling boots and suits. But Maureen Dowd could have written this—and this, like much that followed from Williams, was close to political porn:
WILLIAMS (11/28/99): Al Gore—even the new improved Al Gore, with the earth tones and the cowboy boots—is forever a man who seems to be doing a stand-up impression of Cordell Hull. Seen in the post-Clinton context, many of Gore's real virtues (his serene family life, his constancy of purpose) seem irrelevant, at best. Some of them even begin to look like vices: A country that just finished the complicated moral contortion of forgiving its rogue president is going to find it hard to cozy up to a candidate who sometimes seems righteous to a fault.

The effects of "Clinton fatigue" are of course unfair, but they may be irreversible. So it must be especially crazy-making, to one in Gore's position, that the Clinton Effect is being dismissed by the political cognoscenti. A recent New Yorker article by Jane Mayer and Joe Klein, for example, which contained great reporting on how thoroughly Gore is spooked by his Clinton problem, went on to find him foolish as a result. Yet it explained, as nothing else has, why Gore was paying $15,000 a month to Naomi Wolf, who turns out to be his inner circle's leading theorist of Clinton-as-albatross: She was the only person around him who was articulating what his instincts told him.

In ways that far transcend the usual vice presidential image problems, Bill Clinton's behavior unmanned Al Gore. Hillary may have been the wronged woman in Clinton's life, but Gore was the political spouse who got placed in an impossible spot. And it's one of the stranger truths of our blame-shifting species that while Americans may be willing to forgive a sinner like Bill Clinton, no one has much pity for a cuckold.
“The new Al Gore” was wearing boots! (He had worn such boots throughout his career.) It was a scandal to think that he had hired Naomi Wolf as an adviser—that he had paid her so much! (The sainted McCain was paying $20,000 per month to Richard Quinn, a man who was a thousand miles farther from the mainstream than Wolf ever dreamed of being. Barely a word was said.)

And as with Dowd, so too in this piece: Gore had been “unmanned;” he was a “cuckold.” Readers were supplied the thrill of the sexual chase and insult.

Go back and reread Boo’s remarks about Dowd. All such remarks apply here. And by the way: The press corps thrilled to this "messy landscape of dueling psyches;" it's what this press corps lived for. Khimm is living a delusion when she suggests that writers like Williams forced "the Beltway" to deal with such troubling insights.

It’s stunning to think that our new liberal wonks can read this work without recoiling—can actually see it as a model for future work! But then, this is how we reached the point which obtained this fall in the case of Susan Rice:

As the Clintons and Gore were once brought to ground, so too the mainstream press corps now chased after Rice. They recited manifest nonsense from Fox and McCain, in a manner taken straight from the bad old Clinton-Gore years.

On MSNBC, our fiery new liberals just sat and stared. The best you can say for these pampered young stars is that they were too uncomprehending, too clueless to see what was being done to Rice. But then, it may be that they simply didn’t want to stand and confront the elites.

Dearest darlings! Massive careers were at stake!

It should be disgusting to see a new wonk praising the ways of that broken-souled era. Khimm may be completely sincere, of course. That said, we’ll recommend that the nation’s progressives sharpen their skeptical instincts:

A new elite is being formed for you. Sometimes, climbers will do what it takes to find their way to the top.

Tomorrow: What Klein said

Student test scores: Let's get the lead out!

WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 2, 2013

Kevin Drum’s long-awaited report: Ever since we learned it was coming, we’ve been looking forward to Kevin Drum’s long-awaited report.

Has the removal of lead from the air driven the steep reductions in crime over the past twenty years? In this post about crime rates in L.A., Drum previews his new report for Mother Jones about the effects of lead removal.

Drum has posted on this topic for years. At some point last year, a terrible thought crept into our heads as we watched the remarkably self-contained children we now see emerge, on a regular basis, from our local elementary school.

Could it possibly be, we wondered. Could it possibly be that the nation’s rising test scores are also tied to lead abatement? Could it be that lead abatement has helped produce those rising test scores—the rising scores your major newspapers simply refuse to report?

Could it be that lead was part of the problem when our test scores were much lower? Last October, in this Wonkblog post, Brad Plumer suggested this possibility.

“Study: Getting rid of lead does wonders for school performance.” That was Plumer’s headline:
PLUMER (10/8/12): Childhood lead levels have been falling steadily in the past decade, according to the Centers on Disease Control, but there’s room to fall further. There are still older houses with deteriorating lead paint. Soils in urban areas contain lead deposits from old vehicle emissions. And thousands of miles of lead water pipe are still in service around the country. It would take money to strip that lead out. But a new NBER paper from economist Jessica Wolpaw Reyes suggests that even modest reductions can have out-sized benefits.

Reyes took a look at what happened in Massachusetts during the 1990s, when the state took aggressive steps to strip old paint from homes with children under the age of six—and closely monitored students for lead levels. By scrutinizing state standardized test scores before and after the policies were enacted, Reyes found suggestive evidence that lead abatement had a major impact on school performance...
Could lead abatement be helping to produce improved test scores and lower crime rates? We look forward to reading Drum’s report—and we recommend Plumer’s post.

Tomorrow, another post we didn't get to last year.

Why did Senator Bennet vote no!

WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 2, 2013

Don’t even bother to ask: Michael Bennet, a Democrat from Colorado, is apparently in the United States senate. On New Year's Eve, he voted no on the fiscal cliff budget deal.

In this morning's New York Times, Maureen Dowd tells us all about him. What follows is almost half her column. In a truly remarkable moment, she even quotes Katherine Boo:
DOWD (1/2/12): Michael Bennet was supposed to be going off a cliff in Vail.

But instead of his usual New Year’s trip to a ski lodge with his wife and three daughters, the junior senator from Colorado found himself in a strange, unfamiliar place in the middle of the night: breaking with the president and his party to become one of only three Democratic senators and eight senators total to vote against President Obama’s fiscal deal.

“I was a little surprised that the margin of the vote was so big,” said a weary Senator Bennet, who seemed a bit taken aback to be such an outlier. He was munching on a late-afternoon cheese steak sandwich at “George’s, King of Falafel and Cheese Steaks.” (The senator loves falafel, which his girls call “feel awful.”)

“I almost ordered extra cheese,” he said sheepishly, “but I would have been embarrassed.”

Long before Bennet came to work in the “land of flickering lights,” as he mockingly calls the dysfunctional nation’s capital where he grew up, Frank Capra dreamed him up. In a Congress that has become opéra bouffe, Bennet is the freckled blond choir boy singing a cappella. The 48-year-old senator looks like the Yale law student he once was, wearing a Jos. A. Bank plaid shirt, gray sweater and khakis. “These are the only clothes I have in Washington that’s not a suit,” he grins.

As Katherine Boo wrote in The New Yorker, back when Bennet was the crusading Denver schools superintendent, his open face and amiable manner “only partly masked the intensity and severity of his judgments.” He was, Boo wrote, “an overachiever. He liked to announce improbable goals, then defy expectations of failure.”

Voting to let the country fall off the cliff was an audacious, even precocious, move by the Democratic golden boy and presidential pet—one that, oddly, put him on the side of Marco Rubio and Rand Paul rather than Obama and Joe Biden. “It is an interesting group,” he deadpanned about the naysayers.
Breaking: Bennet has three daughters, went to Yale Law, can be seen wearing plaid shirts. Also, the senator loves falafel.

No word yet on how he treats pets.

Readers get to know quite a few things about this “man who voted nay.” They just never quite get to learn why he voted that way. This was the best Dowd could do:
DOWD: In frantic New Year’s Day deal-making, he voted “nay” at about 2 a.m., and the House passed the bill around 11 p.m. He said he did so because the deal did not have meaningful deficit reduction, explaining: “Going over the cliff is a lousy choice and continuing to ignore the fiscal realities that we face is a lousy choice.”

He said he thinks the president wants serious deficit cuts but is dealing with people “so intransigent I’m not sure they could be brought to an agreement that’s meaningful in the absence of going over the cliff. But it’s a terrible thing to say. People at home are so bone-tired of these outcomes.”

He said his focus now is the same as when he was the Denver superintendent trying to get more poor kids to stay in school.

“The burden of proof has to shift from the people who want to change the system to the people who want to keep it the same,” he said. “I think if we can get people focused to do what we need to do to keep our kids from being stuck with this debt that they didn’t accrue, you might be surprised at how far we can move this conversation.

“Washington politics no longer follows the example of our parents and our grandparents who saw as their first job creating more opportunity, not less, for the people who came after. My mother’s parents were refugees from Warsaw who came here after World War II because they could rebuild their shattered lives. But the political debate now is a zero-sum game that creates more problems than solutions.”
His mother’s parents came from Warsaw! He was a crusading superintendent of schools! But why did Bennet vote no on this deal? Dowd never quite makes him say.

According to Dowd, Bennet says he wants more deficit reduction. But how would be accomplish that?

Unknown! Dowd doesn’t say!

Just last evening, we reread Boo’s 3800-word piece from November 1992, in which she defined a journalistic trend she referred to as “Creeping Dowdism.” In the lengthy passage which follows, Boo described this morning’s column, in which we learn all manner of personal trivia but don’t learn what it is Bennet proposes to do.

Boo’s piece appeared in the Washington Monthly. Like the Babe, Boo called her shot:
BOO (11/92): [C]haracter is only a piece of what a voter needs to know about a politician before he yanks that lever. Parse the ad lib to pieces, analyze the gesture for weeks, and you may still not get very close to what a politician will do while in office. Bush's character cues, for instance, aren't so very different from those of Franklin Roosevelt, another patrician who used cornball props—serving hotdogs to the Queen of England, for one—in an attempt to come off as a regular guy. Measured on program substance, there aren't two presidents less alike in this century. This is where Dowd's style begins to grate. By the end of the Darman piece, we know that Bush's favored aide is a conniver with an appetite for Chicken McNuggets. Yet we aren't afforded a clue about what Darman actually does—that is, how he runs the Office of Management and Budget, his job for the last three years. This, after all, is the man who advocated Bush's infamous tax increase, who is the theoretical watchdog of spending in every federal agency, who helped bring America a $341 billion deficit. How'd he pull it off? You're going to have to collar him at McDonald's and ask him yourself.

Similarly, when the writer executes a lengthy campaign profile of Tsongas two days before New Hampshire, we learn all about a "Saturday Night Live" invitation, the effort to get him to sit up straight for debates, and his uncanny resemblance to a beagle. But there's just one substance-related sentence in the piece, on his controversial support for nuclear power. And this reference is made only to set up an anecdote in which he gets angry at a collegiate questioner.

Of course, you can't expect one writer to be a master of all trades. And even the crabbiest editor would balk before inflicting upon such a good stylist only subjects drier than a rash. But because Dowd is so good at limning character, and because her forum at the Times is so formidable, a generation of bright young writers is now imitating her—the flaws as well as the flourishes. Substantive political and policy pieces desperately need talented writers to make them come alive for the reader. Unfortunately, the more talented writers are desperately chasing after character and style. In piece after piece, this substance gap begins to look like more than an innocent sin of omission. One begins to sense a political nihilism undergirding the carefully chosen words.

While not every literary fillip from the Dowd Crowd is revealing, many of them are reducing. Von Drehle compares Ross Perot's appearance to Elmer Fudd's, and Bush's to that of an "oddly unfashionable" commercial air line pilot; Clinton and Gore are, as Dowd and Frank Rich have it, the "Double Bubba ticket" and "political Doublemint Twins." Reducing politicians—who calls them public servants with a straight face anymore?—to cartoons is as much a marker of Dowdstyle as the literary reference, only it's more troubling. It's fine to leave the fulsome profile to People, but there's often a conspicuous lack of empathy and generosity in the new writers' character deconstruction—and sometimes an unmistakable lack of interest in providing meaningful insight. Do we get any closer to the essential Tsongas when Dowd draws him as a turtle "look[ing] around him with a slow, blinking bemusement at the vagaries of fate"? Is the picture of a campaigning Bush "plucking at his chest as though he could pull his soul out of a buttoned-down shirt" really telling, or is it a well-turned cheap shot? And more important, does it help us find out what we really need to know about the candidate before November 3: How will the damn fool lead?

Yet among Dowd and disciples, the character painting continually shoulders out meaningful questions about what the pretenders to the Oval Office have in mind. Once Dowd allows us to know that Kerrey has "large blue eyes and a light-bulb shaped head that give him the look of a bemused extraterrestrial," can we really take seriously the mechanics of his health-care proposal? Of course, in her preprimary profile of Kerrey, the health-care issue—his campaign centerpiece—never comes up. And why would it? In Dowd's character-centered conception, issues don't merit too much concern. They're largely props in "meticulous Kabuki dramas in which the candidates enact the themes they want to sell to voters in November."
That was Boo in 1992, describing Dowd’s column today.

What does Bennet think we should do? In today’s column, we never find out. We do learn about his children’s jokes. Also, last night he saw Skyfall!

In the wake of Boo's piece: Boo wrote a searching piece about the drift of the mainstream press. She filled it with praise for Dowd’s endless skill, but her disapproval was plain.

Within the mainstream press corps, Boo’s searching piece has barely been mentioned in the past twenty years. On Nexis, the colorful term “creeping Dowdism” registers only three times!

Boo had written a naughty piece. In 1995, the Boston Globe’s Mark Jurkowitz reported what happened next:
JURKOWITZ (4/6/95): Charlie Peters says he once "adored" Dowd, but admits their relationship soured after the Monthly piece [by Boo]. "She pretty much frosted me out," he says.
After publishing Boo’s infernal piece, Peters was dead to Dowd.

NEW WONKS ON THE BLOCK: Who the heck is Dylan Matthews!

WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 2, 2013

Part 2—Promising echo of Klein: At MSNBC, at the Washington Post, new liberal and mainstream elites are being assembled and certified.

Often, they call themselves wonks, nerds or geeks. It’s the liberal world’s top humblebrag!

That said, who are these new wonks on the block? Quite possibly, they will define the horizons of the liberal world over the next many years.

Who are the new wonks? Struck by two year-end lists at the Post’s Wonkblog site, we felt it was time to find out.

One example: Who the heck is Dylan Matthews, we finally decided to ask. And we’ll admit it:

We were surprised by the profile the analysts brought us—a profile written by Matthews himself at some point after May of last year. The post can be found at this blog, where Matthews has archived his work from the early years:
MATTHEWS (2012): I’m a policy journalist who focuses on taxes, budgets, and other elements of US economic and fiscal policy. Currently I’m a staff reporter for Wonkblog at The Washington Post. In the past, I’ve written for The New Republic, Salon, The American Prospect and Slate. This site exists as an archive of my work, and in particular of a blog that I started writing as a middle schooler in February 2004 and have continued, in some form, ever since.

Until May 2012 I was an undergraduate at Harvard College, where I studied moral and political philosophy (though Harvard being itself, my degree is technically in “social studies“), wrote a regular column for The Crimson, served as president of Perspective Magazine, and was a DJ for the underground rock department as well as tech director for WHRB.
Say what? He started a blog as a middle schooler? That said, we were even more concerned by Matthews’ achievements at Harvard.

We demanded more information. As if they had a bone to pick, the analysts directed us to this report from July 2010, in which Katie Glueck profiled “five rising stars under age 25.”

Dylan Matthews had made the cut with five years to spare:
GLUECK (7/10): Dylan Matthews, 20, The Washington Post

Read the blog of Washington Post celebrity Ezra Klein and you can't miss the work of his assistant, Dylan Matthews. Matthews is a rising Harvard junior, and like his boss, he has had a meteoric rise through the political blogosphere. At 14, Matthews started his own blog, at 16 he was freelancing for Slate, at 18 he worked at The American Prospect, and at 19 he signed on with Klein. Matthews guest-blogs and researches for Klein and also helps him produce Wonkbook, which is a left-leaning, more economically-focused version of Mike Allen's Politico Playbook. At the age of 20, Matthews has access to a national audience with whom he shares his views on complex, high-level policy matters.

"It's a tricky border to walk, but you have to have an appropriate humility about what you can do and yet have the confidence that if you have a smart point to make, to make it regardless of experience," he said.

Matthews said that a host of other bloggers, including Klein, have set a precedent for youthful representation in political discourse.

"People have acknowledged that young people, like Ezra or [blogger at Center for American Progress] Matt Yglesias, can do useful writing, or in Ezra's case, reporting, even if they haven't cut their teeth at the metro desk for 10 years, although that's incredibly useful as well," Matthews said.
There’s a bit more; we’ll suggest that you hungrily fall on each word. But we were struck by the youth—and the admitted humility—of this new wonk on the block.

We'll admit it. We were also struck by the keister-kissing in that last quoted remark.

Needless to say, people should be judged by the strength of their work. We have no particular view about the strength of Matthews’ work to date.

But good God! As a bit of a skeptic RE high achievers, we would tend to regard that biographical profile as a possible bio from Hell.

In our view, we liberals should be skeptical about the new elites which are being assembled for us. With that in mind, let’s consider the career of Katherine Boo, whose new book, Behind the Beautiful Forevers, was the top choice of the wonks at the blog in this year-end reading list.

Decades ago, Boo was part of a new elite—a new liberal elite which was being assembled at Charlie Peters' Washington Monthly. We’ll assume this gang was full of promise and apparent achievement, just like the new wonks at the blog.

By most rational measures, Boo has fulfilled her promise. For us, her greatest achievement remains her prescient critique, in 1992, of the emerging journalistic culture she described as “Creeping Dowdism.” (As best we can tell, Boo’s 3800-word piece is not available on-line.) But from there, she forged a career in which she wrote about those who might otherwise be ignored.

Many of her promising pals from the Washington Monthly took a different route. They can now be seen on Morning Joe, where it might be argued that the Dowdism has crept through and largely consumed them.

In our view, fiery liberals should be concerned about the ascent of 14-year-old bloggers. Trust but verify, as President Reagan once said!

Will Ezra Klein and his apparent high-achievers end up like Boo? Or will they end up like the others? Tomorrow, we’ll look at one choice from that year-end book list which we found a bit hard to believe. And we’ll consider the kinds of errors these hard-charging tyros might tend to make—the kind of error our fiery new liberal leaders just made, en masse, in the matter of Susan Rice.

On MSNBC, at the Washington Post, a new group of “kool kids” is being formed. Will they end up as real achievers? Or will they just be Sam and Cokie?

Tomorrow: High praise for those who failed us

David Brooks to American voters: Drop dead!

TUESDAY, JANUARY 1, 2013

Rhetorician, heal thyself: David Brooks was looking for someone to blame for a rather weak budget agreement and for more failures to come.

He settled on a familiar safe target. And yes, we have that date right:
BROOKS (1/1/13): Whom should we blame for this? Again, we should not blame Obama and Boehner. In their different ways, they and a number of other people in the Congress are trying to find a politically palatable way to deal with these hard issues. They got what conditions allowed.

Ultimately, we should blame the American voters. The average Medicare couple pays $109,000 into the program and gets $343,000 in benefits out, according to the Urban Institute. This is $234,000 in free money. Many voters have decided they like spending a lot on themselves and pushing costs onto their children and grandchildren. They have decided they like borrowing up to $1 trillion a year for tax credits, disability payments, defense contracts and the rest. They have found that the original Keynesian rationale for these deficits provides a perfect cover for permanent deficit-living. They have made it clear that they will destroy any politician who tries to stop them from cost-shifting in this way.
The voters have done it again!

Is Brook right to blame the American voters? We would say he is not.

Some reasons:

Very few voters have ever seen that analysis of Medicare spending and “free money.” If a voter sees that analysis today, he or she will have no idea where to go to fact-check Brooks or to see his logic analyzed.

Would you know where to send such a voter? We would have no idea!

In short, the voter goes to work each day. He also lives within a political/journalistic culture in which the most important political topics almost never get analyzed or discussed.

Brooks’ own paper has never attempted to spell out the various budget issues involved in our ongoing pseudo-discussions—and most likely, it never will. The typical reader of the Times has never seen that analysis of Medicare costs. He or she would have no idea if Brooks’ numbers and logic are right.

No, we aren’t going to blame the press corps for our current predicament. But the New York Times relentlessly clowns, after which it blames the voters for our vast cluelessness.

As a general matter, Brooks isn’t this dumb. But the press corps never discusses the press corps. It’s a firm tenet of Hard Pundit Law:

Except in certain innocuous ways, the press corps can never be said to be wrong. If Obama and Boehner aren’t to blame, who else are we going to finger?

Offering several examples: Did the New York Times ever explain the full lunacy of the Romney tax proposal?

Actually no, it never did—nor did it ever discuss his proposal for the estate tax. But we did get front-page reports about his hair, about his wife’s dressage horse and about the political views of his neighbors in La Jolla. One columnist wouldn’t stop making up shit about his mistreated pet dog.

Has the Times ever done a series of front-page reports about the current state of taxation? About the ways high earners are currently taxed, as compared to the ways they've been taxed in the past? About what future budgets would look like if we returned to all the Clinton tax rates?

Has the Times ever done those reports, or dozens more? Only a fool would ask.

This is the way our elite culture works. It doesn’t begin with “the voters.”

Django reviewers in chains: Can A. O. Scott possibly mean that?

TUESDAY, JANUARY 1, 2013

The press corps’ relation to power: The wonderful thing about certain movies is you get home so early.

Yesterday, that’s the way it was when we went to see Django Unchained. We were back in the car by 3 o’clock, not the expected 5.

“Free at last,” we appreciatively murmured as we hurried from the multiplex. While inside, we had endured a very long string of numbingly dim-witted trailers, then a 40-minute dose of Tarantino’s latest.

Were we driven from the theater by the much-heralded blood and violence? By the use of the N-word? Actually, no—in the end, we were driven away by the overpowering dumbness of the film, especially its relentless attempts at humor.

In part, this was our fault. Somehow, in reading the major reviews, we had failed to understand that this is largely a campy comedy. At perhaps the 40-minute mark, we were finally overpowered by the sheer dumbness of one piss-pitiful scene.

Was this piss-pitiful sequence “hilarious?” Oddly, that’s the way Ann Hornaday limned it in the Washington Post:
HORNADAY (12/25/12): [I]n spite of his own tendency to put everything in quotation marks, Tarantino creates images of real power and beauty, such as when a spray of blood stains the lily-white bolls of a cotton field. (He also knows that ridicule sometimes has more throw-weight than rage, such as in a hilarious sequence featuring the Ku Klux Klan that hoists the terrorist organization on its own pathetic petard.)
Can Hornaday possibly mean that? Did she really see “power and beauty” in that silly scene with the blood on the cotton?

More amazingly, did she really find that Ku Klux Klan sequence “hilarious?” We happen to know and like Hornaday! Is there any chance she actually means that?

Can we talk? That “hilarious sequence” was so numbingly dumb that we felt obliged to sit no longer. So go ahead—take the hilarity challenge! Go to this film and see if you can tolerate the blinding dumbness of that “hilarious sequence”—a sequence whose conclusion we admittedly didn’t see.

Good God, this movie is dumb—but its director is powerful. Presumably for that reason, the major reviewers will all proclaim that he is unspooling great racial themes in this low-IQ mess. The dumbness of yesterday’s string of trailers was overpowered by the feature film’s dumbness. But Tarantino is powerful—and reviewers are often quite servile.

When we returned to our sprawling campus, thanking God for the hours we’d stolen, we reread A. O. Scott’s review in the New York Times. That led to our question for today:

Can A. O. Scott possibly mean this?
SCOTT (12/25/12): Among Mr. Tarantino's achievements has been his successful argument that the maligned and neglected B movies of the past should be viewed with fresh eyes and unironic respect. His own tributes to the outlaw, outsider film tradition—flamboyant in their scholarly care and in their bold originality—have suggested new ways of taking movies seriously. ''Django Unchained'' is unabashedly and self-consciously pulpy, with camera moves and musical cues that evoke both the cornfed westerns of the 1950s and their pastafied progeny of the next decade. (The title comes from a series of Italian action movies whose first star, Franco Nero, shows up here in a cameo.) It is digressive, jokey, giddily brutal and ferociously profane. But it is also a troubling and important movie about slavery and racism.

[...]

Like ''Inglourious Basterds,'' ''Django Unchained'' is crazily entertaining, brazenly irresponsible and also ethically serious in a way that is entirely consistent with its playfulness.
Django Unchained is “a troubling and important movie about slavery and racism?” Can A. O. Scott possibly mean that? In fairness, even Scott couldn’t bring himself to praise the groaning nonsense involving the Klan, a massively dumber variation on a scene from Dragnet. But in the course of citing the scene, he went on to pose an intriguing idea:

Tarantino’s ethically serious film may owe a great deal to Bugs Bunny!
SCOTT: The plot is, by Mr. Tarantino's standards, fairly linear, without the baroque chronology of ''Pulp Fiction'' or the parallel story lines of ''Inglourious Basterds.'' But the movie does take its time, and it wanders over a wide expanse of geographic and thematic territory.

In addition to Mr. Tarantino's trademark dialogue-heavy, suspense-filled set pieces, there are moments of pure silliness, like a gathering of hooded night riders (led by Don Johnson), and a late escapade (featuring Mr. Tarantino speaking in an Australian accent) that perhaps owes more to Bugs Bunny than to any other cultural archetype.
We’ll grant you, we didn’t see that late escapade; by the time that escapade ran, we were safely back on campus, puzzling over Scott’s review. But for ourselves, we thought Bugs Bunny was dumb in real time—and in real time, we were 9 nine years old! Should an ethically serious film about slavery and racism owe a lot to Bugs Bunny?

Are you willing to take the Django Challenge? Your assignment, should you choose to accept it:

First, you must agree to attend this film, staying to the end if possible. Then, when you return to your home, you must read Scott's review.

To Hornaday’s credit, she ends up largely rejecting the film, although she lavishes praise on Tarantino before she finally does so. By way of contrast, Scott plays the game all the way to the end. Even at the end of his review, he offers this view of this low-IQ nonsense: “When you wipe away the blood and the anarchic humor, what you see in Django Unchained is moral disgust with slavery, instinctive sympathy for the underdog and an affirmation (in the relationship between Django and Schultz) of what used to be called brotherhood.”

Can Tony Scott possibly mean that? Here’s our observation, gleaned through the years:

Again and again, the modern reviewer will break his back and sell his soul to fawn and pander to power. If the director is sufficiently powerful, the reviewer will strain to repeat the types of self-praise found in film’s press release.

(One other point: "Dumb" isn't a category of thought within the modern press corps. In politics and in the arts, the subject of a review can be biased, racist or even wrong. But he simply can't be dumb. Such judgments are not allowed.)

Can A. O. Scott possibly mean what he says? Or does his review represent the fawning to power which typifies so much of the work of the modern press?

We were forced to scold the analysts: In fairness, is Scott really “an Uncle Tom whose servility has mutated into monstrosity?”

We scolded the analysts when they put it that way—but the phrase is taken from Scott’s review. Having said that, we’ll make an admission:

The question flitted through our mind when we reread this review! “Look who's talking,” we masterfully said.