ADULTHOOD'S END: Along the way, did she do the right thing?

FRIDAY, JUNE 5, 2020

The beloved, the lovely, the others:
For our money, it's by far most interesting piece we've seen so far today.

We refer to this column in the Washington Post by Michele Norris.

From 2002 through 2015, Norris was a high-profile host and correspondent at NPR. Before that, she worked for ABC News. Judging from her public demeanor, she may be the world's nicest person. (We'd call that a good thing to be,)

We mention that because she writes today about Minnesota Nice. In print editions, her column appears beneath this headline:
'Minnesota Nice' is Different Now
Minnesota Nice has changed.

Norris was born and raised in Minnesota. Early on, she offers this snapshot of her home state:
NORRIS (6/5/20): I am so proud to hail from a place that nurtured such a long line of openhearted, civic-minded luminaries and humanitarians: Hubert H. Humphrey, Roy Wilkins, August Wilson, Bob Dylan, F. Scott Fitzgerald, Yara Shahidi, Sinclair Lewis, Gordon Parks and, of course, Prince. With superior schools, a solid standard of living, a thriving arts culture, a gaggle of Fortune 500 companies, and some of the best hospitals in the world, the Twin Cities of Minneapolis and St. Paul have consistently been named among the best places to live in America.

That is . . . unless you’re black. African Americans are worse off in Minnesota than in almost every other state in the nation.
A report released by the NAACP in December found that “racial disparities are among the worst in the nation in every key indicator of quality of life: Employment, Education, Criminal Justice, Juvenile Justice, Income, Poverty, homeownership and Health.”

The Twin Cities’ numbers tell the story. The black poverty rate is five times higher than for white residents. A quarter of black residents own their homes compared with three-quarters of whites. Only 57 percent of black students in Minneapolis and 70 percent of black students in St. Paul complete high school in four years, compared with around 85 percent of their white peers.
We'll stop right there because we want to focus on public school issues.

Employing gentle humor, Minnesota's Garrison Keillor invented the fictional town of Lake Wobegon, "where the children are all above average."

Was it once that way all over the state? As she continues, Norris seems to suggest that the gap in public school attainment in her home state is perhaps an attribute of Minnesota Now:
NORRIS: How did this happen in a state that was known as a model for integration throughout the 1960s, ’70s and ’80s?

Minnesota made a determined effort to avoid the mistakes other northern cities made during the Great Migration as African Americans who fled the Jim Crow South were funneled into declining communities. The Twin Cities adopted a plan where the cities and the suburbs created their fair share of affordable housing to avoid minorities being cordoned off in warrens of blight and decay. And the Twin Cities created an aggressive and impressive model for integration that helped ensure that school funding and resources were equally distributed. In those years, Minneapolis was a mecca for middle-class blacks drawn by integrated schools and a strong white-collar employment base.

But beginning in the 1990s, Minneapolis and St. Paul began abandoning the integration model under pressure from parents and political groups that argued that there was “no compelling government interest in K-12 education absent intentional discrimination.” Instead, the schools moved to a system based on open enrollment and the promise of increased funding for lower-income schools. That coincided with an increased population of immigrants and poor black families and a subsequent wave of “Blight Flight,” as white and middle-class blacks abandoned once-integrated classrooms for the suburbs or higher performing city schools. It was an extreme example of a trend that has taken hold elsewhere—a shift toward segregation in schools, in housing, in elder care and early childhood education.

The killing of George Floyd and the resulting protests have put an international spotlight on resulting disparities...
From that, a person might almost think that the children really were all above average way back then in 1990, before the deluge. A person might think that black-white public school achievement disparities in Minnesota have resulted from the abandonment of "the integration model," a shift which began in the 1990s.

That doesn't seem to be true. Black-white achievement gaps were very large in Minnesota all the way back in 1990. In that year, the first reliable data appear, courtesy of the National Assessment of Educational Progress (Naep), the long-standing federal program widely regarded as the "gold standard" of domestic educational testing.

Where did things stand back in 1990? Below, you see the size of the gap in Grade 8 math in the first three available years of Naep testing for Minnesota, and in the three most recent years:
Black-white achievement gap, Minnesota public schools
Difference in average scores, Grade 8 math, Naep

1990: 40.57 points
1996: 38.66 points
2003: 44.13 points


2015: 40.14 points
2017: 42.88 points
2019: 45.27 points
For all Naep data, start here.

According to an extremely rough rule of thumb, ten points on the Naep scale is said to be roughly equivalent to one academic year.

That is a very rough rule of thumb, especially in this type of application. But by any measure, those are very large Grade 8 achievement gaps—and the gaps were very large in 1990, before the changes Norris describes.

(It might also be noted that Minnesota's black kids are scoring much higher today than in 1990. Applying that very rough rule of thumb, the average score of the state's black kids in Grade 8 math in 2019 was almost two years higher than it was in 1990.)

We make these points because an extremely bad taste lingers in mouths around here. We continue to think, with something resembling contempt, of the comment we mentioned on Wednesday:
ELLISON (5/31/20): Well, Minnesota is a kind of a tale of two cities. It really is a beautiful, wonderful place. I love it here. I've raised all four of my kids here. There's so many great things about it. So many great people. And yet we have very stark disparities when it comes to African-Americans. Health disparities in health care, health disparities in housing, health disparities when it comes to employment. And disparities all around.

I'll give you a quick example, about 70 some percent of Minnesotans own their own homes. But only about 27% of African Americans do. African Americans are in a fragile economic position in this state. And we need massive investment. And what I say to people is, "Look, if we can have some of the highest SAT scores in the country, if we can have some of the highest voting participation in the country, highest voter—home-ownership in the country for whites, we can do it for everyone. We just have to have the will to do it for everybody. And I think that this sad, tragic situation might give us the energy to really, really make those kind of commitments because they are absolutely needed.
One thinks of Ben Johnson's weary comment in The Last Picture Show: I've been putting up with this trashy behavior my whole life.

Minnesota's "hang 'em high" attorney general also grew up in Minnesota. What he tells people is this:

"Look, if we can have some of the highest SAT scores in the country"—if we can do that for whites—"we can do it for everyone."

They just have to have the will! That's what he tells people!

On last Sunday's Meet the Press, Keith Ellison said that's what tells people. After all these decades, it's hard not to think of Ben Johnson when you see a comment like that.

People like Ellison have been making such comments at least since the late 1960s. That said, Ellison has been a political leader in Minneapolis, and in Minnesota, for a large number of years.

That said, what has Ellison ever proposed about the situation—a situation which would apparently be easy to correct? If it would be so easy to straighten this out, why hasn't he done so by now? In place of all the happy talk, why hasn't he offered a plan?

Do you mind if we make a rude comment? Lurking within "Minnesota Nice" this past week, we think we sometimes have possibly heard a hint of "Minnesota Who Cares?"

We think we possibly heard a bit of "Minnesota Doesn't Give a Godd*mn. We think we might perhaps have heard some "Minnesota Strike A Pose" action.

When we see the Minneapolis police chief take a knee and get hailed as a hero on CNN, we wonder what the freak he was doing as all these people were being rendered unconscious by all these Minnesota Chokeholds during the years of his tenure.

We even wonder what he did about reviewing the demeanor of veteran cops with eighteen citizen complaints in as many years. As cable stars hail him as a hero for taking a knee and locking the least among his department up, we wonder if we'll ever see such questions explored.

When we see Senator Klobuchar rush to be the first to tweet the glorious news that the rookie policemen would be locked up too, we wonder if she's doing that to salvage her newly fraught standing, both as a former prosecutor and as a possible VP pick.

The mayor and the governor are also quite concerned. What did they do all those years? What did they do about the chokeholds, about the complaints, about the achievement gaps which we suddenly care about now?

Those gaps have been there forever, but Norris had left the state. She was involved in NPR Nice, which has always carried a certain hint of NPR Nobody Cares.

For ourselves, we spent our first dozen adult years in and around the Baltimore City Schools. We taught fifth grade for seven years, eighth grade math for two more.

In the missing years, we did some substitute work, and we worked on research projects. The gaps were large in Baltimore then, but in Minnesota too.

Our point? In all the years which have passed since then, we're not sure that we've ever seen a serious discussion of the problems which exist in low-income schools—of the patterns and practices which fail to serve the good decent kids who attend them.

We've read tons of material which makes no sense, especially in the New York Times. But has anyone ever set foot in a school? We're not sure anyone has.

Outside the reach of the public schools, is that 30 Million Word Gap for real? No one knows, because no one cares. Candidate Clinton proposed Too Small To Fail, and no one discussed the ideas it contained—no one, including her.

In the upper ends of our journalism, no one has ever cared about any of this; few, things could be more clear. Among our wider liberal elites, no one cares about low-income kids—until the time comes to poster and pretend.

When that time comes, the time also comes to lock the scapegoats up. To lock up the veteran cop who crazily killed a person, but also to lock up the rookie cop who told him he should stop.

We don't lock the police chief up—after all, he took a knee—nor would we say that we should.

We don't lock up the governor or the mayor, the fellows who let all those choking incidents go. We don't inquire about the training programs to which those rookie cops were exposed. We don't lock up cable stars.

We do lock up the rookie cops. Similarly, we prosecute the college freshmen, not the college presidents who stage the drunken brawls which eventually lead to disaster. We do so because, as the poet once wrote, "The lovely shall be choosers." Complicit people at the top of the heap will lock up those below.

The famous wisdom of crowds isn't always real wise. With respect to the heinous killing of George Floyd, the subsequent crowd could have used a bit of perspective, and a lot of reporting, from the nation's journalists.

That perspective has been lacking. Along the way, we've also possibly seen a large amount of Minnesota Look Over There, otherwise known as Minnesota Keister Covering.

Dr. King's beloved community must be built around such values as wisdom and mercy. It must be built around good judgment.

The beloved community must include others, even the lesser among us. Have we seen a lot of upper-end posing in the past week? A lot of Minnesota Newly Concerned?

Tomorrow: "Who Killed Davey Moore?" Lessons from a Minnesotan...

For what it's worth: How large are the gaps in Minnesota? In Grade 8 math, only Wisconsin has a (slightly) larger gap. As Norris notes, various types of sub-demographics may play a role in this.

Meanwhile, why no specific reference to the Minneapolis Public Schools? Simple story! Minneapolis has never agreed to take part in the Naep's urban district study (the TUDA).

Rightly or wrongly, we're always a bit unimpressed with such bashful districts. Rightly or wrongly, we tend to wonder about their interest in transparency and also about their good faith.


  1. "we can do it for everyone."

    Yeah, dear Bob, more liberal-zombie claptrap is what "we" need.

    Indeed, if they can, why don't they?

    But of course only those who actually take SAT tests can (or can't) raise the scores. And if in their socioeconomic environment these scores have no meaning and no value, then why would they do it?

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  2. This just shows Somberbly's racism and homophobia.

  3. "But has anyone ever set foot in a school? We're not sure anyone has."

    In the 1970s, I served on the City of Chicago's Task Force on Vocational Education. As part of that committee, I visited several schools. Our focus was on programs at the polytechnic high schools heavily attended by minority students, and the transition to employment for its attendees.

    This was my only experience in such a position, but visiting the schools was a routine part of the committee work, and I have no reason to believe it is any different in other cities.

    Somerby asks if anyone ever attends the schools. My question is whether Somerby has ever attended a government meeting at which education issues are discussed? Not only do they have experts in education and staff with expertise, but diligent members who are strongly concerned with helping children. He has no basis for this kind of blanket criticism. It is both harsh and unfair. Having seen people at work, I believe these intransigent racial disparities exist despite the caring efforts of many who are working on the problems, not because no one cares.

  4. "Candidate Clinton proposed Too Small To Fail, and no one discussed the ideas it contained—no one, including her."

    Including Somerby, who was too busy calling her names.

    After 2016, both Clintons went around the high schools of the nation and appeared on TV promoting the presence of Narcan in all schools so that staff could reverse fatal drug overdoses (arising from opiod use, which was epidemic). They didn't do this for publicity or for any personal reason other than to address a crisis in preventable deaths that could be easily remedied by a small investment at each school. They provided the Narcan too.

    But Somerby has the nerve to say that Hillary Clinton didn't care about children -- after devoting her ENTIRE career to efforts to help women, families and kids in a wide variety of ways. And yes, her campaign had a plank about early childhood education, before any one else did. And of course she talked about it during her campaign stops, as if Somerby ever attended one and would know what she did or did not say.

    Somerby should be ashamed of himself, but of course, he doesn't care about being accurate when he slimes someone -- just when reporting those gaps in school performance between undeserving white kids and those beautiful black kids. What an asshole he is today.

  5. Somerby is upset because the rookie got charged along with the other two bystanding cops who let Chauvin kill Floyd without intervening.

    He lists a bunch of other officials who were not present but who have presided over times with racial disparities, saying that because they are not locked up, neither should that rookie be. They, of course, were not present and were not acting as police, with a duty to protect and serve.

    By Somerby's logic, everyone is responsible for what happened, and therefore, no one is responsible, least of all someone just starting out as a policeman. And why should a rookie be exempt from responsibility? Because he is the least qualified member of the team? Because he didn't have the nerve to intervene effectively, but perhaps even egged Chauvin on (because he couldn't back down in the face of a rookie's concerns)? Rookies are new, but they are also officers with sworn duties and they are accountable for their actions, along with their more experienced peers.

    Somerby thinks college presidents "stage drunken brawls" because they permit alcohol off campus in fraternities (where the drinking age is 18 and thus most students are legally allowed to drink).

    Somerby thinks NPR is "nice" but doesn't care about the stories it frequently reports. He ignores the focus on education, including shows that spend literally hours discussing education issues. We have all heard those shows and we are perhaps all wondering where Somerby has been that he hasn't heard them.

    That study on the number of words a disadvantaged child hears compared to a more advantaged child came from academia, not any school district, not any teacher, not government. It came from a researcher at a university who cares about children and their learning difficulties. It included data. There is a literature on learning disparities, many such studies, about how children learn and how early experiences contribute to their learning. Somerby doesn't know about that literature because he doesn't read those studies. He doesn't do "research projects" focusing on them. He has no training in that area. He just has a vague dissatisfaction that he is expressing as "you are all guilty because no one cares".

    This reaction and today's essay is adolescent whining that does nothing but criticize those in blue states, especially those who suggest the need for change (why haven't they done it already). It is an extension of Trump's attack on blue states, a way of calling liberals hypocrites because they haven't single-handedly solved all social problems. It is a conservative tactic that might as well have been voiced by Rush himself. Bravo Somerby, you conservative in liberal garb. If you cared about liberal issues you wouldn't be attacking the people most committed to advancing them.

  6. “We'll stop right there because we want to focus on public school issues.”

    This is untrue. Somerby does not focus and never has focused on public school issues. His theme is always and only bashing the press and liberals for not caring about public school issues.

    Somerby cites naep statistics as some sort of rebuke to Ellison, who himself mentions the gaps.

    Somerby uses the statistics to “prove” that liberals don’t care about education. That is completely illogical, so he tries to further “prove” it by claiming that liberals have done nothing to alleviate the gaps, while conveniently failing to discuss actual proposals and policies that liberals have advanced or enacted over the years. Were he to discuss those, he might actually be in the neighborhood of “focusing on public school issues.”

    A glass half full kind of guy might point out that naep scores for black public school students nationwide have risen by 34 points since 1978, 21 points for whites. If you buy the notion that higher naep scores mean better students, then that’s a remarkable achievement.

    Finally, since Somerby is so fond of making facile criticisms of people like Ellison, here’s a facile criticism:

    There is a gigantic achievement gap in the Baltimore public school system, where Somerby currently lives and where he spent those few fitful years teaching. What did Bob Somerby ever do to narrow those gaps?

  7. Somerby criticizes notions that segregation might be affecting quality of education for black children, but he neglects that trends toward greater segregation may reflect increasingly negative attitudes toward minorities that are the more likely cause of disparities in education.

    In other words, greater segregation may reflect greater racism, which in turn is the cause of learning problems for minority children, not the lack of integration directly.

    Brown V Board of Education included testimony by psychologists about the negative impact on black children of being treated like second-class citizens. Self-esteem and motivation are important to learning. It matters how black adults are treated because these are the role models for black children. How do they set high aspirations and goals if they see little opportunity for themselves outside school?

    A commitment to integration is a commitment to solving racial problems and an investment in the worth and dignity of all students. When Somerby rejects integration, he sides with those who wish to avoid minorities in all areas of their lives. It makes me question his commitment to helping black kids do better in school.

  8. Somerby’s misdirection is to misstate Norris’ premise:

    ‘“where the children are all above average.”

    Was it once that way all over the state? As she continues, Norris seems to suggest that the gap in public school attainment in her home state is perhaps an attribute of Minnesota Now:’

    She does not say all were above average back then. Note also the weasel phrase “seems to suggest.”

    Her premise is:

    “African Americans are worse off in Minnesota than in almost every other state in the nation.”

    She is talking about the situation now, comparing the current disparity between black Minnesotans and blacks in the rest of the US right now.

    What she does not say is that African Americans were better off back then. She does say “In those years, Minneapolis was a mecca for middle-class blacks.”

    She argues that specific policies and events have led to the current situation.

    Ironically, she is actually in agreement with Somerby, that the present situation is unacceptable.

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